American Indian influence on the U.S. Constitution

Here is a video of the talk I delivered at the American Philosophical Society conference in Philadelphia in 2013. I argue that Indigenous governments and political theories influenced most of the Founding Fathers of the United States and even many of the actual provisions in the Constitution.

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The Declaration of Independence: “Merciless Indian Savages” . . . and More

Here is a new article I just completed on how the international law of colonialism, the Doctrine of Discovery, is used and applied in the United States Declaration of Independence. Check it out!

The Declaration of Independence: “Merciless Indian Savages” . . . and More

Robert J. Miller*

The Declaration of Independence lists twenty-seven grievances that the American colonies and colonists had against King George III and England, and that they argued justified independence from England.[1] Almost everyone is familiar with the allegation in grievance twenty-seven that the King “has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages . . . [and the] destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.”[2] This Essay barely addresses that grievance.

In contrast to that well-known and express reference to Indian Peoples, only a few scholars have noted and very few people understand that grievances seven, twenty, and twenty-one in the Declaration also involve Indian Nations and Peoples and their lands and assets.[3] These three grievances involved England and the American colonies contesting sovereign, property, economic, and territorial rights over the Indian Nations and their lands under the international law of colonization, better known as the Doctrine of Discovery.[4] This Essay focuses on these little-known aspects of the Declaration.

  1. “Merciless Indian Savages”

          Grievance twenty-seven alleges that George III “has endeavoured [sic] to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.”[5]

I will say very little about this grievance other than it might be surprising coming from Thomas Jefferson. He was a student and a professed admirer of Indian Nations, cultures, and governance systems.[6] In addition, after he retired as U.S. President, Jefferson was going to devote himself to a study of tribal languages.[7]

The Declaration’s claim that King George encouraged Indians to ally with England and fight the Americans, at least in the Revolutionary War that followed, was true. The King and English government had tried to protect tribal rights and retain their friendship via the Royal Proclamation of 1763[8] we discuss below.[9] During the American Revolution itself, for example, some tribal nations fought for England while some tribes actively supported and fought for the United States in the war that followed the Declaration.[10] It should be no surprise, though, why many Indian Nations and individual Indians opposed the American frontiersmen and colonists and might have wanted to support England. England had become a major trading partner of Native peoples by the mid-1770s and a supporter in the struggle against the American colonial frontiersmen, trespassers, and settlers who invaded Indian country, stole the lands and resources of Native nations, and often killed Indians on sight.[11] For example, many of the American colonies and later some states offered cash bounties for Indian scalps and created volunteer regiments to attack Indians, and George Washington earned the Indian name “Town Destroyer” because he waged war on civilians by burning Indian villages and crops.[12] Consequently, it was ironic that Jefferson and the Declaration called Indians “merciless savages,” when they were just defending their homelands, families, and lives, while he ignored the genocidal practices enforced against Indian Nations and Peoples and the land theft practiced by many American frontiersmen, settlers, and colonies.[13]

We will say no more about this grievance other than to repeat that it expressly argued for colonial independence from England due to issues regarding Indian Nations and Indian affairs.

  1. Other Grievances Regarding Indian Nations and their Lands

In contrast to the well-known grievance twenty-seven, and its express reference to Indians, grievances seven, twenty, and twenty-one raise political, economic, and legal issues involving Indian Nations, their lands, and resources only by implication. In fact, one must be knowledgeable about both colonial history and the international law of colonialism to understand what these grievances were actually complaining about. Thus, we will first briefly examine the international law, the Doctrine of Discovery, that England used against the American colonies and colonists, and then examine the three grievances in the Declaration that object to George III using that law to ostensibly protect Indian Nations and Peoples to the economic detriment of the colonists, colonial elites, and the colonies. We will peel this issue back piece by piece.

  1. The International Law of Colonialism

Many books and scholarly articles have been written about the international law of colonization which is better known as the Doctrine of Discovery.[14] In this Essay, we will not address this legal principle in much depth other than to note that it was developed in the early 1400s to govern European colonization of the non-European world and was applied in the New World by many European nations. Instead, we will just emphasize the distinct aspects and elements of this law that help us understand that grievances seven, twenty, and twenty-one in the Declaration were specifically objecting to George III using the law of colonialism for his own benefit to limit the economic interests, profits, and territorial expansion of the American colonists, colonial elites, and the colonies.

The most influential judicial case around the world about the Doctrine is Johnson v. M’Intosh[15] decided by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1823. Over twenty years ago, I noted that in Johnson the Supreme Court identified from historical practices and then applied ten specific elements or factors that comprise this international law.[16] The Court identified these important elements of the Doctrine by reviewing the application of 400 years of law and history of European countries colonizing Indigenous Nations and Peoples around the world. The ten elements of the Doctrine that I believe the U.S. Supreme Court adopted and analyzed in Johnson to decide that case are:

1. First discovery. The European country that first discovered lands unknown to other Europeans allegedly acquired property and sovereignty rights over the lands and Indigenous Peoples.[17] England claimed first discovery rights over the eastern seaboard of North America for nearly three centuries based upon its first discovery claim, and then via the Treaty of Paris in 1763 it acquired France’s first discovery claims over lands in modern-day Canada and the interior of the modern-day United States.[18]

2. Actual occupancy and possession. For a European country to fully establish an internationally recognized title in newly discovered lands, it was required to physically occupy and possess the lands by building forts or settlements, for example.[19]

3. Preemption. The European country that first discovered Indigenous lands automatically acquired property and sovereign rights over the lands and Indigenous Nations merely by arriving and planting their flags. European countries then claimed the power of preemption, that is, the exclusive and sole right to buy the discovered lands from Indigenous Nations.[20] George III expressly claimed the power of preemption over his American colonists and colonies, as discussed below in his Royal Proclamation of 1763, because he prevented his “Subjects from making any Purchases or Settlements whatever, or taking Possession of any of the Lands [] reserved” to the “Several Nations or Tribes of Indians with whom We are connected, and who live under our Protection . . . .”[21]

4. Indian title. Upon first discovery, Indigenous Nations were considered by European legal systems to have immediately lost the full ownership of their lands and resources and now only possessed the legal property right to occupy and use the lands.[22] They could not sell these lands to anyone other than the discovering European monarch who held the preemption power. George III expressly demonstrated this element of a diminished Indigenous title and expressly exercised his preemption property rights when he prevented his American colonists and colonies from buying land from tribal nations.

5. Indian limited sovereign and commercial rights. Indigenous Nations were also deemed to have lost some aspects of their sovereignty and political rights to engage in international trade, treaties, and diplomacy after discovery.[23] After being “discovered,” Indigenous Nations were only supposed to deal diplomatically and to engage in trade with the European government that had discovered them.[24] George III expressly claimed these powers over the Indian Nations and his American colonists and colonies by attempting to take control of all trade and diplomatic interactions with Indian Nations.[25]

6. Contiguity. This element helped identify the boundaries of the lands Europeans claimed after a first discovery. Not surprisingly, they claimed enormous areas of land contiguous to their actual discoveries and settlements.[26] In fact, some of the Royal charters England granted its colonies in North America claimed to grant all the land from “sea-to-sea” across the continent, from the Atlantic to the Pacific![27] Another example of contiguity under international law, is that when a European country discovered the mouth of a river, it acquired a discovery claim to the entire drainage system. This principle is exemplified by the areas called the “Louisiana Territory” and the “Oregon Country” in the history of the United States.

7. Terra nullius. This Latin phrase defines empty or vacant lands that were not occupied by any human or government, and thus were available for European Discovery claims.[28] The U.S. Supreme Court case in Johnson v. M’Intosh in 1823 expressly stated that in the Royal Proclamation of 1763 the Crown made “no distinction . . . between vacant lands and lands occupied by the Indians.” [29] Consequently, George III and his Proclamation of 1763 applied this element of Discovery to Indian owned lands.

8. Christianity. Euro-Americans have always used religion to justify their claims to superiority over Indigenous Peoples and cultures.[30]

9. Civilization. Euro-American ideals of “civilization” and their presumed superior cultures were also crucial aspects of their claims over Indigenous Peoples and used to justify Discovery.[31]

10. Conquest. By the 1400s, international law already included principles on the law of war and stated that a conquering Christian country acquired the public lands, wealth, and rights of a defeated Christian monarch. European countries applied this same principle to victories over Indigenous Nations.[32]

We will observe that King George III expressly and impliedly used at least six of these ten elements in his Royal Proclamation of 1763 and the Quebec Act of 1774 that we will discuss. The King claimed first discovery, based on both England’s first discoveries and on first discovery claims made by France and transferred to England; the power of preemption; sovereignty over the allegedly limited Indian title; sovereignty over the allegedly limited Indian trade rights; contiguity claims over lands England and France had never even visited, and terra nullius claims by treating Indian owned lands as being vacant. These royal claims led directly to grievances seven, twenty, and twenty-one in the Declaration of Independence.

  • The Royal Proclamation of 1763

The Seven Years War, better known in the United States as the French and Indian War, started in 1754 in western Pennsylvania.[33] It became a world war between England and France, involved other countries, and left the English government nearly bankrupt.[34] Three important events in American history occurred right after this war. First, in February of 1763, France and England signed the Treaty of Paris and ended the War. Second, Pontiac’s War, an Ottawa Indian leader, began in May 1763 as tribal nations fought against English colonial expansion. Third, the Royal Proclamation was issued in October 1763.[35] One historian lists the Proclamation as one of the major irritants in the colonies that led to the Revolution.[36] Many other historians and scholars agree.

In the Treaty of Paris, England acquired all of France’s sovereign and Discovery claims in much of modern-day Canada and in the lands west of the Appalachian and Allegheny Mountains to the Mississippi River.[37] But England was immediately faced in the spring of 1763 with Pontiac’s War in which a confederacy of tribal nations in the Ohio Valley and Great Lakes regions expressed their dissatisfaction with British administration and colonial actions by going to war.[38] Indian forces captured all the English forts west of the Appalachian Mountains except for Fort Pitt and Fort Detroit.[39] The conflict only ended in 1766 with the signing of treaties between the Crown and the tribes.[40] Without question, this war forced the Crown to reconsider its Indian policies, to attempt to limit its colonies and colonists, enact regulations to protect Indian Nations in ways that must have seemed incomprehensible to colonists, and led directly to the enactment of the Royal Proclamation in October of 1763.[41] Pontiac’s War and the Proclamation are further proof of the important influence Indian Nations had on British colonial policies and led to actions that ultimately led to the Declaration of Independence.[42]

Even before the French and Indian War, throughout the 1700s, English, Scottish and German immigration had increased dramatically into the English colonies. “Free land” was a strong incentive for poverty-stricken peasants in Europe to take the risks of emigrating.[43] A large number of recent immigrants and American land speculators, frontiersmen, and settlers began pushing west across the Appalachian and Allegheny Mountains in the mid-1700s. These speculators and settlers presented George III and his administration with serious questions on how to protect the King’s international law economic interests and future profits that he expected from the Indian Nations and lands west of those mountains. Thus, George III acted to protect his sovereignty, property, economic rights, and to exercise his Discovery powers, including that of preemption, to be the only government, entity, or person with the right to buy land from Indian Nations. That way he could earn enormous profits by then selling the same lands to colonists and settlers. He also acted to exercise the sovereignty he claimed under international law to control and profit from trade and diplomacy with Indian Nations and Peoples in the west. And, he wanted to exercise the sovereign powers Discovery had allegedly granted him over the Indian Nations. Consequently, the King undertook two dramatic steps that outraged most of the American colonists and colonies, the Royal Proclamation of 1763 and the Quebec Act in 1774. Without questions, these actions led directly to the Declaration and the Revolution.

In addition, George III and the Parliament were outraged that the Seven Years War had been started, in essence, by the American colonies, nearly bankrupted the Crown, and even worse by the fact that the colonists paid little to no taxes that were needed to pay for the war.[44] Thus, the King and Parliament acted to protect its sovereign and economic interests and rights in the colonial west. The Crown wanted to prevent American colonists from moving west, seizing Indian lands and assets, and creating conflicts with Indian Nations that England would then have to fight. Parliament also began enacting taxes and other acts against the colonies that were very unpopular. The Crown and Parliament also enacted reforms to control Indian land purchases and trade with Indians in the west. These actions caused extreme dissatisfaction in the colonies and became major grievances that led to the Declaration and revolution.[45]

The American frontiersmen and settlers and recent immigrants, however, wanted to live on and profit from those same lands and resources. The colonial elites and land speculators wanted to profit from selling those lands to settlers, and the colonial governments wanted to expand and also profit. These entities were major obstacles to the Crown serving its own interests in the lands west of the Allegheny and Appalachian Mountains. To address these problems, George III decided to protect his sovereign rights by issuing the Royal Proclamation in October 1763 to control his colonists.[46]

In the Proclamation, George III drew a line, mostly along the crest of the Appalachian and Allegheny Mountains, and ordered that no British citizens were to cross that boundary, and any who had already crossed that line were ordered to return to the east.[47] The King, in essence, defined the boundaries of the lands owned by Indian Nations. George III expressly enforced his Discovery powers over the native nations and the American colonists. He proclaimed that the Indian governments and tribal peoples within this territory “live under our protection” and that it was important for colonial security that the tribes not be “disturbed in the possession of such parts of our dominions and territories as, not having been ceded to or purchased by us, are reserved to them . . . .”[48] Note that the King was expressly asserting his Discovery title of preemption, to be the only purchaser of these tribal lands, even though he had not yet purchased them from the Indian Nations.[49]

To further protect his power of preemption, the King ordered that his governors and commanders were not to allow surveys of land, nor grant land titles in this area, and that none of his subjects could purchase or settle on Indian lands.[50] The King further recognized the Discovery element of Indian title by ordering that the lands in the west were “reserve[d] under our sovereignty, protection, and dominion, for the use of the said Indians . . . .”[51] Consequently, the King was exercising his Discovery powers over tribal lands and he also limited the commercial and trade rights of Indian Nations and his colonists by requiring all traders to be licensed by his governors.[52] Much of this trade was now to take place near English forts so that Royal troops could monitor and control it.[53]

This Proclamation and the tax acts and the Intolerable Acts enacted by Parliament created intense anger and resentment among the colonists, undermined colonial attachment to the Crown, and contributed to the coming of the American Revolution.[54] The King and his administration had long recognized that settler and colonial expansion “was a most dangerous tendency” that had to be stopped by the drawing of a western boundary and prohibiting settlement.[55] British officials in London had long been studying proposals to impose a boundary line when Pontiac’s War in May 1763 forced them to act.[56]

George Washington is a good example of how the colonial elites resented the Proclamation. He had been a very active land speculator in the west even before he reached twenty years of age and continued through his time as president.[57] Other colonial elites were also heavily involved in speculation in the west for many decades including Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, Arthur Lee, James Madison, James Monroe, Patrick Henry, and other Founding Fathers.[58]

In a private letter in 1767 to his land agent in the west, George Washington wrote that the Proclamation of 1763 was just “a temporary expedient to quiet the Minds of the Indians,” and he directed his agent to continue secretly claiming and buying Indian lands.[59] In that letter he also stated that “anyone who neglects the present opportunity of obtaining good lands will never regain that opportunity.”[60]

The Crown also federalized and centralized the control of Indian affairs in itself by establishing two superintendencies in America to govern the northern and southern Indian districts that were created by the Proclamation. George III was excluding the colonial governments and colonists from Indian affairs.[61]

The Proclamation, however, failed to stop American colonists from invading the King’s territory and rights west of the mountain ranges.[62] Greed and ambition drove the colonies, colonial elites, and colonists to ignore the Royal Proclamation. As we will discuss below, two grievances in the Declaration of Independence specifically objected to the Proclamation.[63]

What else could George III and England do to protect their rights and interests?

  • The Quebec Act of 1774   

The violations of the Proclamation, and the increase of protests, disobedience of law, non-payment of taxes, and violence in the colonies forced the King and Parliament to consider more drastic steps to protect England’s profits and sovereign rights. The Crown was forced to withdraw troops from the western forts to resist the protests and violence in the east.[64] Consequently, there were not enough English troops or officials to enforce the Proclamation and stem the tide of frontiersmen and settlers invading the west and Indian Country.[65]

In this same time period, England enacted the Intolerable Acts.[66] But one of the most dramatic steps that outraged the majority of colonies and colonists, and led to the Declaration of Independence and the Revolutionary War, was the Quebec Act of 1774.[67] This Act was both a stronger and more radical step than the King and Parliament had undertaken to protect its sovereign and economic rights in the west.[68] Several historians cite the reaction of the frontiersmen, settlers, and western parts of the colonies to the Proclamation and the Quebec Act as proving that the American Revolution arose just as much from the western regions of the colonies as from the more famous events that occurred in the towns and cities in the east.[69]

The Parliament enacted the Quebec Act with the King’s consent on October 7, 1774. The Crown and Parliament thereby demonstrated that they understood that the Proclamation of 1763 had not worked to stymie the colonists and colonies. Under the Act, Parliament and the King literally transferred 175 million acres of land, north and west of the Ohio River to the Mississippi River, out of the territory of the thirteen English colonies.[70] This enormous area of very valuable land and resources were placed into the Province of Quebec in modern-day Canada. Not surprisingly, this Act outraged the colonies, colonists, frontiersmen, and colonial elites who were all looking to appropriate those lands to enrich themselves, increase their colonies and wealth, and to settle.[71] The Act also outraged American colonists because it blunted westward expansion and attempted to appease French Canadian Catholics by altering English jury trial rights, apparently restoring French civil law, allowing Catholics to hold office and to practice their religion.[72]  These aspects of the Act caused great resentment across the American colonies and helped to unite such diverse groups as Calvinist New Englanders, frontiersmen, land speculators, colonies, and colonists against the British government.

We address this Act further when we examine how it became a specific grievance in the Declaration of Independence.[73]

  • Grievances Seven, Twenty, and Twenty-one

The King’s exercise of his Doctrine of Discovery powers in the Royal Proclamation and the Quebec Act severely threatened the trade, profits, and lands the American colonists, colonial elites, and colonial governments had banked on for their future prosperity and expansion. Not surprisingly, these dramatic and crucial actions of the Crown to protect its economic and sovereign interests in the western trade and lands provoked the American colonists. Consequently, it is not an accident that grievances seven, twenty, and twenty-one in the Declaration directly address the Proclamation and the Quebec Act.

  1. Grievance 7                           

Grievance seven stated that George III “has endeavoured [sic] to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.”[74]

Arguably, few people today know that the italicized language involved colonial ambitions to acquire Indian lands and property rights in contradiction to the King’s preemption claim to the lands west of the Appalachian and Allegheny Mountains. But in light of the impacts of the Royal Proclamation and the Quebec Act is there any question that this grievance was complaining directly about those actions and the King exercising his preemptive and sovereign rights to prevent the American colonists from appropriating, settling on, and profiting from the western lands?[75]

This grievance was directed expressly at the King’s attempts to slow immigration and to stop the expansion of the American colonies westward, to prevent the ruling colonial elites and the colonial governments from acquiring profits and property rights west of the Mountains, and to stop American frontiersmen and settlers from trespassing on and claiming lands in the west. Under international law, the King claimed a preexisting preemption property right and the sovereign power to set the land acquisition rules and English settlement in those areas by first discovery, and his claim to already own the land under preemption: that is, the sole right to be the first buyer of the lands from the Indian Nations. The King plainly wanted to exercise his sovereign powers under the Doctrine of Discovery and retain the profits to be made from selling, settling, and conducting trade within these lands.[76]

  • Grievance 20                         

Grievance 20 in the Declaration specifically addressed the Quebec Act and criticized the King “[f]or abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighboring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies: . . . .”[77]

The Quebec Act did far more than just transfer the American colonial lands in the west to the province in what is now Canada. It also limited English law in Quebec and restored to a great extent the French civil law system to appease French Canadians. The Declaration alleged that the Act was the creation of an arbitrary government and was perhaps preparation for something similar in the thirteen colonies. The grievance also expressly argued against enlarging the boundary of Quebec by the transfer of the Northwest Territory. The thirteen colonies presumed these western lands were their future![78]

There is no question that grievance twenty addressed the Quebec Act and its transfer of Indian lands and resources to the province of Quebec even though the grievance does not expressly name that Act. This Act protected the King’s Discovery rights and profits in the Old Northwest even more strongly that the Royal Proclamation and even more completely limited the American colonists and colonial dreams of expansion.

  • Grievance 21                         

Grievance 21 criticized the King “[f]or taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments: . . . .”[79]

This grievance clearly attacked both the Royal Proclamation and the Quebec Act but again without naming them. Both actions had enormously negative impacts on the future prosperity, territorial size of the thirteen colonies, and would negate colonial laws and policies some colonies had adopted to expand into the west. Both actions, especially the Quebec Act, demolished the dreams of westward expansion of the American colonies and colonists and their desires to profit from tribal lands and resources west of the Allegheny and Appalachian Mountains. 

This grievance expressly decried the King taking away the royal charters. Each colony from Jamestown in 1609 forward was established by charters given by the English Crown that created the colonies, their governments, and granted them defined lands and rights. Six of the American colonies had been granted charters that promised them the entire continent from “sea-to-sea,” that is, from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean![80] There is no question that the Proclamation of 1763 severely limited those aspirations and the rights defined under the colonial charters. In turn, the Quebec Act totally nullified the royal charters in regards western expansion for the thirteen colonies. By transferring these lands to the Province of Quebec, how would they ever become a part of the American colonies?

The Declaration also complained that the Quebec Act abolished some colonial laws and allegedly altered that “Forms of our Governments” by apparently diminishing their authority, their future possible boundaries in the west, their future populations and prosperity, and their royal charters. The Quebec Act was a bombshell for the colonies and led directly to the Declaration of Independence.

  1. Conclusion

There is no question that the colonies and colonists objected strenuously in the Declaration to the Royal Proclamation and the Quebec Act. There can also be no question that Indian affairs and assets played a major role in those actions by England and in leading to the American Revolution.[81] It is clear that these four out of twenty-seven grievances that called for independence, were about the Indian Nations, Indian Peoples, and their lands and resources. “[I]t is no mistake, then, that Thomas Jefferson was thinking about Indian relations on the new nation’s frontiers as he penned the Declaration of Independence . . . .”[82] This is no doubt a surprising statement to many Americans today.

Hopefully, this Essay has demonstrated how intriguing it is to unwrap important historical events and to dig more deeply into such matters. Obviously, this assists one to reach a far greater understanding of the background and motivations for important milestones in American history. The American colonists and colonies dealt with and interacted regularly with Indian Nations before the Revolution. American colonists, colonial elites, and the colonies were eager to acquire Indian lands and resources. It turns out that they were in competition with the Crown itself to control and acquire those assets. The King had international law and an army on his side and he frustrated the ambitions of the colonists. Is it any surprise that Indian affairs and those issues arose both expressly and by implication in the Declaration of Independence?

I will end with three interesting side points that also increase our knowledge and understanding of the Declaration and the Revolution.

First, it is worth noting that even before the Declaration of Independence on July 4, 1776, the colony of Virginia adopted its state constitution on June 29, 1776.[83] This constitution included many of the same grievances that Thomas Jefferson set forth in the Declaration. In addition, Virginia’s constitution demonstrates again just how crucial a role the Royal Proclamation and the Quebec Act played in fomenting the American Revolution. The Virginia constitution clearly repudiated those royal actions.[84] Virginia claimed as its state boundaries and its property rights those lands had been granted to the colony “as fixed by the Charter of James I in one thousand six hundred and nine” and by the Treaty of Paris.[85] That language infers, of course, that the new state was ignoring and repudiating the Crown’s actions after the Treaty of Paris in the Royal Proclamation of 1763 and the Quebec Act of 1774 that tried to limit Virginia’s land rights. The Virginia constitution adds to the conclusion that Indian lands and the Proclamation and the Quebec Act contributed mightily to the Declaration and the Revolution.

It is also worth noting that the Virginia convention that drafted this constitution in June 1776 was well aware of the Doctrine of Discovery. In that constitution, the state expressly retained the preemption right to be the only buyer of lands from the Indian Nations.[86]

Second, after the colonists and colonies declared their independence and fought the Revolution over their desire to acquire Indian lands and assets, and other issues of course, the new United States government, perhaps surprisingly, in 1783 adopted almost exactly the Royal Proclamation of 1763! After their extreme displeasure with the Proclamation line drawn in 1763 to protect the King’s preemption right, and to exclude the colonists from enormous lands and profits, it seems quite amazing that twenty years later in 1783, at George Washington’s express urging, the new United States drew a line in the west and forbade Americans to settle and buy lands there in nearly the exact same manner as George III had done with his Proclamation in 1763.[87] Remember how Washington disparaged the King’s 1763 proclamation line because Washington wanted to profit off Indian lands and resources? Well, ironically, in 1783, now that the United States was in charge and had to manage Indian affairs and the rapacious frontiersmen, Washington urged the new Articles of Confederation Congress to draw a similar line to restrain settlers and frontiersmen, and to allow the federal government to profit from the buying and selling of Indian lands. In a letter to the Congress in September 1783, Washington advised that:

“Indians . . . retreat as our Settlements advance upon them and they will be as ready to sell, as we are to buy; . . . . Settlemt of the Western Country and making a Peace with the Indians are so analogous that there can be no definition of the one without involving considerations of the other. . . . policy and oeconomy point very strongly to the expediency of being upon good terms with the Indians, and . . . purchasing their Lands in preference to attempting to drive them by force . . . which . . . is like driving the Wild Beasts of the Forest . . . when the gradual extension of our Settlements will as certainly cause the Savage as the Wolf to retire; both being beasts of prey tho’ they differ in shape. In a word there is nothing to be obtained by an Indian War but the Soil they live on and this can be had by purchase at less expence . . . .”[88]

Also of great interest and relevance is a June 1783 letter Washington wrote Congress in which he demonstrated his knowledge and use of elements of the Doctrine of Discovery. He proposed that to “combat the Savages[,]” Congress should increase its trade with Indians because that “would be the most likely means to enable us to purchase upon equitable terms of the Aborigines their right of preoccupancy; and to induce them to relinquish our Territories, and to remove into the illimitable regions of the West.”[89] Washington was expressly suggesting that Congress enforce its Discovery rights to control Indian trade, take advantage of the limited Indian title of “preoccupancy,” as he called it, and exercise its preemption right to buy Indian lands. Notice that Washington called tribal lands “our Territories.” This is the exact same language and principle of Discovery that George III used in the Royal Proclamation of 1763 when he described Indian country as “our dominions and territories.”[90]

Congress accepted Washington’s advice and on September 22, 1783, it issued a resolution that no person could settle on or purchase Indian lands “without the express authority and directions of the United States in Congress assembled” and “that every such purchase or settlement, gift or cession, not having the authority aforesaid, is null and void.”[91] Congress was clearly exercising its Discovery power of preemption. 

The most intriguing backstory is my third and final point. Several historians have raised an extremely interesting and highly controversial idea about many of the colonial elites of the Revolutionary era. These historians opine that George Washingon and Benjamin Franklin, for example, and other colonial elites, would have been just as happy to stay English citizens and to have gotten rich speculating in Indian lands under England’s rule![92] But because of the Royal Proclamation, the Quebec Act, and George III’s ambitions, they had to become revolutionaries and Americans to obtain Indian lands and trade. Most of the colonists and colonies might have had similar ideas.

What an intriguing argument, and how that opens the Declaration of Independence, the American Revolution, and the very foundational principles that we think of as the American story and history, to interesting and even disturbing new possibilities and interpretations!


* Jonathan and Wendy Rose Professor of Law, Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law, Arizona State University; Director, Rosette LLP American Indian Economic Development Program; Elected Member (2014) American Philosophical Society and elected Governing Council (2024); Chief Justice, Pascua Yaqui Tribe Court of Appeals; Citizen, Eastern Shawnee Tribe.

[1] Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1776, at https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/declaration-transcript (last visited September 12, 2026).

[2] Id. at Grievance 27.

[3] Id. at Grievances 7, 20, and 21. Accord John Hayden Dossett, Indian Country and the Territory Clause: Washington’s Promise at the Framing, 68 Am. U. L. Rev. 205 (2018); Thomas D. Curtis, Land Policy: Pre-Condition for the Success of the American Revolution, 31 Am. J. of Econ. & Socio. 209, 217-21 (Apr. 1972); George O. Virtue, British Land Policy and The American Revolution: A Belated Lecture in Economic History, 11 Univ. Neb. Studies 1, 42-43 (Sept. 1953).

[4] E.g., Robert J. Miller, Jacinta Ruru, Larissa Behrendt & Tracey Lindberg, Discovering Indigenous Lands: The Doctrine of Discovery in the English Colonies (2010).

[5] Declaration, supra note 1, at Grievance 27.

[6] See, e.g., Robert J. Miller, Native America, Discovered and Conquered: Thomas Jefferson, Lewis & Clark, and Manifest Destiny 59-97 (2006) (citing numerous authorities).

[7] Id. at 84-85 (citing numerous authorities).

[8] The Royal Proclamation, October 7, 1763, https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/proc1763.asp (last visited Sept. 29, 2026).

[9] See, e.g., Patrick Spero, Frontier Country: The Politics of War in Early Pennsylvania 174 (2016) (British policymakers and the King wanted a flourishing trade with native peoples, and to protect Indians to maintain peace, stability, and the King’s rights).

[10] Museum of the American Revolution, Native American Soldiers and Scouts, https://share.google/nOdctX6ne0WvewZd4 (last visited Oct. 7, 2026).

[11] See, e.g., id.; William S. Kiser, The Business of Killing Indians: Scalp Warfare and the Violent Conquest of North America (2025) (conquest was driven by state sponsored, profit-driven campaigns).

[12] Kiser, supra note 11; Ned Blackhawk, The Rediscovery of America: Native Peoples and the Unmaking of U.S. History 163 & 200 (2023) (Washington was named “town destroyer” by the Iroquois; Governor  Penn paid scalp bounties); Fintan O’Toole, White Savage: William Johnson and The Invention of America (2005) (New York enacted an Indian scalp bounty in 1747); John Grenier, First Way of War 39 (2005) (frontier American warfare targeted extreme violence against Indian noncombatants; Massachusetts paid Indian scalp bounties in 1689 and 1703); Samuel Gardner Drake, A Particular History of the Five Years French and Indian War in New England 134 (1870) (in 1746 Massachusetts governor issued a bounty to pay British allied Indians for the scalps of French allied Indian men, women, and children); 2 William Williamson, The History of the State of Maine 117-18 (1832) (in 1722 Massachusetts paid high bounties for male, female, and child scalps).

[13] See, e.g., supra notes 11 and 12; Patrick Spero, Frontier Rebels: The Fight for Independence in the American West, 1775-1776 xxvi & 155 (2018).

The prevailing colonial attitude towards Indians was well exemplified by an infamous letter of advice General George Washington wrote Congress dated September 7, 1783 calling Indians “Savage” and analogizing them to wolves, “both being beasts of prey tho’ they differ in shape,” and that Americans had to hunt and drive them away. National Archives, Founders Online, Letter George Washington to James Duane, 7 September 1783, at https://share.google/lVeBxwKT06Cwo7eGx (last visited October 7, 2026).

[14] Robert J. Miller, Destroying the Doctrine of Discovery, https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=7444598 (last visited September 12, 2026); Blake A. Watson, Buying America from the Indians: Johnson v. McIntosh and the History of Native Land Rights (2012); Miller & Ruru, supra note 4; Miller, Native America, supra note 6; Lindsay G. Robertson, Conquest by Law: How the Discovery of America Dispossessed Indigenous Peoples of Their Lands (2005); Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourse of Conquest (1990).

[15] 21 U.S. (Wheat. 8) 543 (1823).

[16] Miller, supra note 6, at 3-5.

[17] Johnson, 21 U.S. at 572-77, 582-85, 587, 591-92, 595. 

[18] Miller, supra note 6, at 17 (discussing England’s first discovery claims in North America due to John Cabot’s 1496-98 voyages) (citing numerous authorities).

[19] Johnson, at 573, 577, 591.

[20] Id. at 573-74, 577, 581-82, 585-88, 603.

[21] Proclamation, supra note 8, at 1-2.

Benjamin Franklin and other colonists, for example the plaintiffs in Johnson v. M’Intosh, argued that Indians owned the full title to their lands and could sell them to whomever they wished. Franklin specifically argued in 1773 that Britain had no right to forbid colonists from making private purchases of Indian lands. Michael A. Blaakman, Speculation Nation: Land Mania in the Revolutionary American Republic 54 (2023) (citing Franklin’s letter to his son in July 1773). 

[22] Johnson, at 574, 579-81, 584-89, 591-92, 598, 600, 602-03. 

[23] Id. at 587-88.

[24] Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, 30 U.S. 1, 17 (1831).

[25] Proclamation, supra note 8, at 1-2.

[26] Johnson, 21 U.S. at 575, 577-79, 582-83.

[27] E.g., The Second Charter of Virginia, May 23, 1609, at http://avalon.law.yale.edu/17th_century/va02.asp#1 (last visited Oct. 5, 2026); Samuel Eliot Morison, Builders of the Bay Colony 32 (1981) (Massachusetts Bay Colony granted lands from the east coast to the “South Sea” or Pacific); William MacDonald, Documentary Source Book of American History: 1606-1898 22 (1908) (same regarding Massachusetts); Charter of Connecticut, 1662, at CT Digital Archive https://share.google/J56ULE7d8AROzC2Z0 (last visited Oct. 5, 2026).

[28] Johnson, at 595-97.

[29] Id. at 596.

[30] Id. at 573. 

[31] Id. at 572-73, 589-91, 596-97, 599; Antony Anghie, Europe and International Law: Colonial Legacies, in The Oxford Handbook of International Law in Europe 45, 48, 53, 55 (Anne Van Aaken, ed. et al., 2023) (Indians were perceived as savages, uncivilized, and barbaric). 

[32] Johnson, 21 U.S. at 576, 587-90.

[33] Fred Anderson, Crucible of War: The Seven Years’ War and the Fate of Empire in British North America, 1754-1766 xv & xix, 85, 221, 565-57 (2000); Blackhawk, supra note 12, at 127.

[34] Dorothy V. Jones, License for Empire: Colonialism by Treaty in Early America 36 (1982); Jack M Sosin, Whitehall and Wilderness: The Middle West in British Colonial Policy, 1760-1775 79-83 (1961).

[35] Blackhawk, supra note 12, at 161 (Treaty of Paris signed February 10, 1763, Pontiac’s War started in May 1763, and the Proclamation was promulgated on October 7th, 1763).

[36] Bernhard Knollenberg, Origin of the American Revolution: 1759-1766 198 (1960).

[37] In February 1763, France transferred many of its claims to sovereignty and lands in North America to England. Treaty of Paris, Feb. 10, 1763, https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/paris763.asp (last visited Sept. 29, 2026).

[38] Anderson, supra note 33, at 565 & 637.

[39] Blackhawk, supra note 12, at 141; U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, Proclamation Line of 1763, Quebec Act of 1774 and Westward Expansion, https://history.state.gov/milestones/1750-1775/proclamation-line-1763, at 2 (last visited Oct. 2, 2026).

[40] U.S. Department of State, supra note 39, at 2.

[41] Blackhawk, supra note 12, at 141; Blaakman, supra note 21, at 40 (the Proclamation made the colonists believe the Crown was siding with Indians, to British Americans the “Proclamation was anathema.”); U.S. Department of State, supra note 39, at 2; Anderson, supra note 33, at 637 (Pontiac’s War made it appear that the British Army could not control the west; the Proclamation was unenforceable against settlers who had no intention of honoring it, and it convinced backwoodsman that the best approach to Indian relations was with guns).

[42] Anderson, supra note 33, at 565 (Pontiac’s rebellion was one of the big incentives for issuing the Proclamation of 1763); see also Blackhawk, supra note 12, at 141 & 161.

[43] Anderson, supra note 33, at 596 (depressed rural areas of England and Scotland created a flood of British immigration).

[44] Niall Ferguson, Civilization: The Six Killer Apps of Western Power 115 (2012); Jeremy Land, The Price of Empire: Britain’s Military Costs During the Seven Years’ War 17 (2010).

[45] Woody Holton, Forced Founders: Indians, Debtors, Slaves, and the Making of the American Revolution in Virginia 5-40 (1999) (discontent with the Proclamation of 1763 and its restriction on land speculation contributed to the colonists’ break with Britain); Sosin, supra note 34, at 28-31, 45-46, 48-49, 51, 56, 80-98; Anderson, supra note 33, at 85, 221, 565-57.

[46] Proclamation, supra note 8, at 1-2; Spero, Frontier Rebels, supra note 13, at 8; Colin G. Calloway, The Indian World of George Washington: The First President, the First Americans, and the Birth of the Nation 180 (2018) (Pontiac’s War led to George III considering how to stop colonists from settling on lands Indians had not yet sold the King); Anderson, supra note 33, at 565 (the Crown’s first attempt to impose institutional form on the colonies).

[47] Proclamation, supra note 8, at 1-2; Colin G. Calloway, The Scratch of a Pen: 1763 and the Transformation of North America 92 (2006) (in October 1763 King George’s proclamation established the Appalachian Mountains as the boundary between British settlement and Indian lands).

[48] Proclamation, supra note 8, at 1-2 (emphasis added).

[49] Proclamation, supra note 8, at 1-2. The Proclamation expressly supported the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in Johnson, 21 U.S. at 579-84, 596, that Discovery granted a discovering country a preemption title in tribal lands subject to a later purchase by that government of the tribal right of occupancy). Accord Sosin, supra note 34, at 21-22, 73.

[50] Proclamation, supra note 8, at 1-2.

[51] Id. (British subjects already settled west of the Proclamation line had to withdraw); Anderson, supra note 33, at 566 (the Proclamation covered everything from the Great Lakes to Florida, and the Mississippi to the Appalachians, and reserved it for the Indian Nations; colonial governments were not to grant lands, or allow surveyors to operate there; any colonists already there were “forthwith to remove themselves”; traders could operate only under royal licenses); Spero, Frontier Country, supra note 9, at 174 (British policymakers wanted a clear line of separation, to control trade with native peoples, and to restrain westward expansion to maintain peace and stability; traders to be licensed and restricted); Virtue, supra note 3, at 2. 

[52] Proclamation, supra note 8, at 1-2; Anderson, supra note 33, at xv & xix, 85, 221, 565-57; Jones, supra note 34, at 36, 98, 115 & n.44; Sosin, supra note 34, at 28-31, 39-49, 51, 56, 74-76, 79-83; Virtue, supra note 3, at 2.

[53] Spero, Frontier Country, supra note 9, at 174.

[54] David Dixon, Never Come to Peace Again: Pontiac’s Uprising and the Fate of the British Empire in North America 246 (2005); Sosin, supra note 34, at 80-98.

[55] Calloway, The Indian World, supra note 46, at 180.

[56] Id. at 181; Calloway, Scratch of a Pen, supra note 47, at 92 (Proclamation “reflected the notion that segregations not interactions should characterize Indian-white relations.”).

[57] See, e.g., George Washington, George Washington to Charles Morgan (Jan. 17, 1795), Nat’l Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-17-02-0269 (letter directing his rent collector in the west how to deal with his lands).

[58] See, e.g., Blackhawk, supra note 12, at 195-96, 484 (Patrick Henry and Washington were among the most active speculators in Indian lands); Calloway, The Indian World, supra note 46, at 98 & 172; Dossett, supra note 3, at 222-23 (Washington was a surveyor of unsettled Indian lands at a young age and by the age of twenty had laid out many land claims: “speculation in Indian land . . . defined the remainder of Washington’s life”); Anderson, supra note 33, at 594-95 (Washington was an unusually active land speculator).

[59] Calloway, The Indian World, supra note 46, at 188 & 740; Sosin, supra note 34, at 107.

[60] Calloway, The Scratch of a Pen, supra note 47, at 99; Sosin, supra note 34, at 107; George Washington’s Writings 123-26 (1997).

[61] Royal Proclamation, supra note 8, at 1-2; Miller, supra note 6, at 30-33 (citing numerous authorities); Anderson, supra note 33, at xv & xix, 85, 221, 565-57; Sosin, supra note 34, at 21-22, 73, 28-31, 45-46, 48-49, 51, 56, 79-98.  

[62] E.g., Anderson, supra note 33, at 731-32 (backwoodsmen were still encroaching on Indian lands, poaching game, and killing Indians in appalling numbers).

[63] Declaration, supra note 1, at Grievances 7 and 21; Sosin, supra note 34, at 80-98; Anderson, supra note 33, at 85, 221, 565-57.

[64] Calloway, The Indian World, supra note 46, at 182 & 202; Sosin, supra note 34, at 240-44. 

[65] Calloway, The Indian World, supra note 46, at 182 & 202; Anderson, supra note 33, at 696; Sosin, supra note 34, at 241.

[66] George Washington Presidential Library at Mt. Vernon, https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/the-coercive-intolerable-acts-of-1774 (last visited Oct. 14, 2026).

[67] Great Britain: Parliament, The Quebec Act: October 7, 1774, https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/quebec_act_1774.asp (last visited Sept. 29, 2006).

[68] Calloway, The Indian World, supra note 46, at 211 (the Quebec Act killed all prospects for the colonies on the Ohio River).

[69] Blackhawk, supra note 12, at 144; Spero, Frontier Country, supra note 9, at 3; Spero, Frontier Rebels, supra note 13, at xxiii.

[70] Peter A. Appel, The Power of Congress “Without Limitation”: The Property Clause and Federal Regulation of Private Property, 86 Minn. L. Rev. 1, 16 (2001) (destroying the claims of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, and Virginia, for example, by transferring the lands to Quebec).

[71] Virtue, supra note 3, at 42-43 (British land policies were put forward as grievances in the Declaration).

[72] U.S. Department of State, supra note 39, at 2; Curtis, supra note 3, at 218-21.

[73] Declaration, supra note 1 Grievance 20. See also Appel, supra note 70, at 16 (“Declaration of Independence cited this transfer of land . . . among its justifications for severing ties with Britain.”).

[74] Declaration, supra note 1 Grievance 7 (emphasis added).

[75] Juan F. Perea, Denying the Violence: The Missing Constitutional Law of Conquest, 24 U. Pa. J. Const. L. 1205, 1228 (2022) (land speculation motivated provisions in the Declaration of Independence, citing the Proclamation of 1763 and the Quebec Act of 1774); Thomas Abernethy, Western Lands and the American Revolution 21 (1959).

And it seems equally clear that this grievance addressed the King’s exercise of his Discovery rights under first discovery, preemption, sovereignty over the native nations and trade with Indian Peoples, contiguity, and terra nullius over the western lands. Thus, this grievance, which most Americans today would not perceive its full meaning and application, was about Indian Nations and Indian Peoples and their lands west of the Allegheny and Appalachian Mountains, and the King’s powers under the international law of colonization.

[76] Bernhard Knollenberg, Growth of the American Revolution 1766-1775 380 n.2 (1975) (unstated purpose of the Proclamation was to discourage settlement in the west to preserve the market for British exports).

[77] Declaration, supra note 1 (emphasis added).

[78] Curtis, supra note 3, at 219-20; Virtue, supra note 3, at 44 (there is “no question that [the Quebec Act] was a contributing factor” to the Revolution).

[79] Declaration, supra note 1 (emphasis added).

[80] Curtis, supra note 3, at 214; Virtue, supra note 3, at 44 (Quebec Act ignored the colonial charters).

[81] Blackhawk, supra note 12, at 144, 161, 173 (historians have ignored the centrality of native peoples to the Revolution and ultimately American history).

[82] Spero, Frontier Country, supra note 9, at 12.  

[83] Encyclopedia Virginia, The Constitution of Virginia, June 29, 1776, 3814-15, at https://encyclopediavirginia.org/primary-documents/the-constitution-of-virginia-1776/ (last visited Oct. 8, 2026).

[84] Calloway, The Indian World, supra note 46, at 212.

[85] Constitution of Virginia, supra note 83, at 3818-19.

[86] Id. at 3819.

[87] National Archives, Founders Online, Letter George Washington to James Duane, 7 September 1783, at https://share.google/lVeBxwKT06Cwo7eGx (last visited October 7, 2026); Miller, supra note 6, at 39-40 (citing numerous authorities); Calloway, The Indian World, supra note 46, at 291-92, 340 (Washington now saw the dangers of unrestrained land grabbing now that he was in a position of authority and found himself in the same position as the Crown before the Revolution).

[88] Letter George Washington to James Duane, 7 September 1783, supra note 87.

[89] Francis Paul Prucha, Documents of United States Indian Policy 1-2 (3d ed., 2000); XXVII Writings of George Washington 136-37, 139 (John C. Fitzpatrick, ed. 1931).

[90] Prucha, Documents, supra note 89, at 3-4; The World Turned Upside Down: Indian Voices from Early America 9 (Colin G. Calloway, ed. 1994); III The American Indian and the United States: A Documentary History 2140-42 (Wilcomb E. Washburn, ed. 1973).

[91] Prucha, Documents, supra note 89, at 3-4.

[92] Spero, Frontier Rebels, supra note 13, at xxvi (doesn’t fit easily into the idea of the American Revolution as the struggle for liberty; raises an unpleasant and perhaps unpopular truth); Anderson, supra note 33, at 745 (“in this way American leaders-men like Washington and Franklin, who otherwise would have liked nothing better than to pursue honor, wealth, and power within the British imperial framework-were compelled to confront issues of sovereignty in ways that imparted new, universalistic meaning to an inherited language of rights and liberties.”; local autonomy ultimately required them to fight a war of independence; Americans who would have been imperialists became revolutionaries); Virtue, supra note 3, at 44 (Quebec Act ignored the colonial charters and “impelled loyal subjects, especially Virginians, to become rebels.”).

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Destroying the Doctrine of Discovery (the international law of colonialism)

Check out this conference paper I wrote on how Indigenous and non-Indigenous nations and peoples from around the world can work to unravel and even to destroy the pernicious international law of colonialism. The Doctrine of Discovery is one of the oldest principles of international law and was created in the early Fifteenth Century by the Catholic Church, Portugal, and Spain to divide up and exploit the non-European world. Thereafter, and especially in the Sixteenth Century, England, France, and Holland adopted the Doctrine and joined Spain and Portugal in trading with and colonizing the non-European world.

The Doctrine is still alive today, and as I have long argued, it is comprised of ten distinct elements as made clear, and as applied, by the U.S. Supreme Court in Johnson v. M’Intosh, 21 U.S. 543 (1823). By using these ten elements, one can easily examine world history and detect how the Doctrine was used and even the modern-day existence of the Doctrine in the national laws and policies of countries around the world.

I will present this paper in New Zealand at an international conference on the Doctrine October 14-18, 2026.

Destroying the Doctrine of Discovery

Robert J. Miller[1] 

  1.      Introduction

International law is defined by the treaties, laws, rules, policies, and principles that nations agree to follow in their interactions with other nations.[2] The Doctrine of Discovery is the international law that European nations and the Church developed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to colonize the non-European world.[3] In fact, the Doctrine is one of the oldest examples of international law along with the law of the sea and the law of war.[4]

It is important to understand the Doctrine today, the international law of colonialism, because modern-day international borders are based on colonization. One cannot ignore the history, practices, and law of exploration and discovery because, according to another principle of international law, intertemporal law, modern-day territorial boundaries “are to be judged by the law in force at the time the title was first asserted and not by the law of today.”[5]

This international law of colonialism is an inhumane, racist, and destructive principle of law built on and perpetuated by ideals of Christian and European domination of the world. This paper briefly addresses how the Doctrine was created, how it applies around the world today, and then sets out some tactics that Indigenous nations and peoples can use to reverse and perhaps remove the Doctrine from the legal frameworks of their countries that govern their lives today.

Section II addresses the elements or factors that this author asserts constitute the law of colonization as applied in the leading court case from around the world on Discovery: the U.S. Supreme Court 1823 case of Johnson v. M’Intosh.[6] Section III then briefly examines how the Doctrine was created and applied almost uniformly around the world by Euro-American colonizing countries. Section IV then examines how Indigenous nations and peoples can resist the application of the Doctrine in their lives and work to destroy its pernicious and deadly effects. 

II. The Doctrine

A. Johnson v. M’Intosh, U.S. (1823)

The already established international law of colonialism was adopted by the United States Supreme Court in 1823 in Johnson v. M’Intosh.[7] The Court relied on what was then four hundred years of international law on colonization and applied it to the Indigenous nations and peoples in the United States. Johnson has greatly influenced the laws and histories of other settler colonial countries and has been cited hundreds of times by American courts and scores of times by courts in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, and by the British Privy Council.[8]

In that case, the U.S. Supreme Court held that the Doctrine of Discovery was the established rule of European colonial law in North America and expressly adopted it as the law of the United States.[9] Johnson was a dispute between non-Indians and involved land purchases allegedly made by British citizens from Indian persons or tribes in 1773 and 1775; before the United States existed. The Court had to decide what rights private individual plaintiffs, and the corporate entities they represented, had acquired through these alleged purchases. In contrast, the defendant McIntosh purchased his land and received his fee-simple title in 1818 from the United States who had purchased the lands by treaties with tribal nations in 1803 and 1805.[10]

To decide this dispute, the Court adopted as the rule of law the legal precedent of Discovery, the principle that when Christian European nations discovered lands unknown to other Europeans then the discovering country automatically acquired sovereign and property rights over the lands even though Indigenous nations and peoples possessed the lands.[11] The real property right European nations claimed to have acquired was an exclusive title held by the discovering country to buy those lands. That right was subject, however, to the Indigenous nations’ and peoples’ use and occupancy rights.[12] The discovering country also gained a form of sovereignty over Natives and their governments that restricted Indigenous political, commercial, and diplomatic powers and rights.[13] These transfers of sovereign and property rights were accomplished without the knowledge or consent of Native peoples, and without payment. 

The Supreme Court clearly defined the Doctrine and its application: “discovery gave title to the government by whose subjects, or by whose authority, it was made against all other European governments, which title might be consummated by possession.”[14] The Court also held that Indigenous rights, however, were “in no instance, entirely disregarded; but were necessarily, to a considerable extent, impaired.”[15] Thus, while Indigenous nations still held some sovereign powers and some property rights to possess and use their lands, their rights to sell their lands to whomever they wished was destroyed: “their rights to complete sovereignty, as independent nations, were necessarily diminished, and their power to dispose of the soil at their own will, to whomsoever they pleased, was denied by the original fundamental principle, that discovery gave exclusive title to those who made it.”[16] As defined by the Doctrine, the U.S. Supreme Court held that a discovering European nation gained the right of “preemption,” that is, the power to preclude any other nation from buying the lands and assets from these newly discovered Indigenous nations. 

Obviously, Discovery diminished the economic value of land to Native nations, and benefited the discovering countries because Indigenous real property rights and values were adversely affected upon their “discovery” by Europeans.[17] In addition, Indigenous sovereign powers were limited by the Doctrine because their diplomatic, commercial, and political affairs were now legally deemed to be restricted to dealing with just their “discovering” Euro-American country.[18]

Through this international law, European countries largely agreed to share the assets and empires to be gained around the world. While they sometimes disagreed over discoveries, and even engaged in periodic warfare, one thing they never disagreed about was that Indigenous nations lost significant property and sovereign rights upon their discovery by Europeans.

The influence of this decision extends far beyond the United States. Johnson has had enormous impact on judicial decisions regarding Indigenous rights and colonialism around the world. Johnson has been relied on by leading court cases in the United States, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, and the case has been cited to the English Privy Council several times regarding Indigenous rights cases in Canada and Africa.

B. The Elements of the Doctrine

In Johnson, it is clear that the U.S. Supreme Court recognized and applied ten distinct elements or factors that constitute this international law of colonialism.[19] A close examination of the history and laws of almost all colonized countries demonstrates that Euro-American countries expressly used the Doctrine and these elements to colonize Indigenous lands and peoples. Colonization in the United States, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Chile, Brazil, and eastern Africa, for example, used all ten of the elements of Discovery applied in Johnson.[20] Most of these elements are still present in the modern-day laws and policies of colonized countries.

Understanding these elements is crucial to understanding colonization, its continued effects on Indigenous nations and peoples, and, most importantly, how to effectively fight against the Doctrine. We briefly define the ten elements used by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1823. (It is important to also note that one of the earliest writers in international law, Francisco de Vitoria in 1532, and the very influential Hugo Grotius in 1609, both expressly and impliedly relied on many of these same elements in their development of international law.)[21]

1. First discovery. The Euro-American country that first discovered lands unknown to other Euro-Americans acquired property and sovereign rights over the lands and Indigenous peoples.[22] Discovery alone, however, was considered to create only an incomplete and temporary claim to title. The race by Europeans, and later the United States, to be the first to visit and claim, and then occupy new lands exemplifies this element.      

2. Actual occupancy and possession. Queen Elizabeth I of England added this element to the international law of colonialism in the 1550s. She and her attorneys argued that for a European country to create an internationally recognized title in newly discovered lands it had to do more than just visit the lands and plant a flag. Thus, England and France, began demanding that Spain and Portugal actually occupy and physically possess discovered lands by building forts or settlements within a reasonable length of time after a first discovery to create an internationally recognized title.[23] 

3. Preemption. The Doctrine allowed Euro-American countries to automatically acquire property and sovereign rights over Indigenous nations merely by arriving in Native lands and planting their flags and religious symbols. Thus, Euro-Americans claimed the power of preemption, that is, an exclusive right to buy the discovered lands from Indigenous nations.[24] This one element alone foretold the Supreme Court’s decision in Johnson v. M’Intosh in 1823. There, the Court held that the private plaintiffs could not legally buy lands directly from Indian nations because the legal right of preemption, that is, the sole right to buy Indigenous lands, belonged to the discovering Euro-American country.

4. Indian/Native title. After a discovery, Indigenous nations were considered by Euro-American legal systems to have immediately lost the full fee-simple ownership of their lands, although they could still occupy and use their lands as long as they wished.[25] This alleged change in legal ownership occurred without the knowledge or consent of Indigenous nations and without payment.

5. Indigenous limited sovereign and commercial rights. Indigenous nations were also considered to have lost some aspects of their sovereignty and their political rights to engage in international trade, treaties, and diplomacy.[26] After a discovery, Indigenous nations were only supposed to deal with the Euro-American government that had “discovered” them. In line with this element, in 1831 the U.S. Supreme Court held that American Indian nations are not internationally recognized sovereigns but are instead “domestic, dependent nations” and could engage in trade and treaties only with the United States.[27]

6. Contiguity. This element identified the boundaries and extent of lands Euro-Americans claimed after discovery. Not surprisingly, they claimed enormous areas of land contiguous to their actual discoveries and settlements. In establishing colonies in North America in the early 1600s, England’s James I granted his colonists lands far beyond their actual settlements and even went so far as to claim the entire continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean.[28] In addition, the international law of colonialism stated that when a Euro-American country discovered the mouth of a river it acquired a claim to the entire drainage system of the river, such as was exemplified by the “Louisiana Territory” and the “Oregon Country” in North America.

7. Terra nullius. This Latin phrase means empty or vacant land. Under the Doctrine, if lands were not occupied by anyone, then they were available for Discovery claims.[29] Euro-Americans were very liberal in defining Indigenous lands as being “empty” and they often included areas that were in reality populated by Indigenous peoples. England claimed Australia under terra nullius although Aboriginal peoples had lived there for tens of thousands of years.[30] In addition, Johnson implies a second definition for terra nullius: Euro-Americans also considered lands to be “empty” and available for Discovery even if there were Native peoples present if they used or governed their territories in a fashion that Euro-American legal systems did not approve.

8. Christianity. Euro-Americans always used religion to justify their alleged superiority over Indigenous peoples and cultures. This is not surprising as the Catholic Church was heavily involved in developing the international law of colonialism in the fifteenth century. The papal bulls of 1436 and the 1450s that granted the Canary Islands and parts of Africa to Portugal, and the 1493 bulls that divided the world for Spanish and Portuguese colonization, declared that Christian conversion was the goal of colonization. Non-Christians did not have the same rights to land, sovereignty, humanity, and self-determination as Christians.[31]

9. Civilization. Euro-American ideals about “civilization” and their presumed superior cultures were also crucial aspects of their claims over Indigenous peoples and were used to justify Discovery.[32] Euro-Americans claimed that God had directed them to bring civilization and religion to Indigenous peoples.   

10. Conquest. By the 1400s, international law already included principles about the law of war and that a conquering Christian country was allowed to acquire the public lands, wealth, and rights of a defeated Christian monarch. Euro-American countries applied this same principle to victories over Indigenous nations.[33] But Johnson also hints at a second meaning to this element. The Supreme Court implied that first discovery was the equivalent of a military conquest because Discovery automatically transferred land, property, and sovereign rights over Indigenous nations, their lands, and their assets to Euro-Americans upon first discovery.

Identifying these elements from Johnson v. M’Intosh demonstrates the enormous and horrendous impacts the international law of colonialism has had on world history and on Indigenous nations and peoples. The Doctrine is still the law and is very relevant to the modern-day existence and rights of Indigenous nations and peoples around the world. The Doctrine directed and justified the history of religious, legal, and political practices utilized by colonial powers and it largely remains in effect in colonized countries today.  

III. The Development and Application of the Doctrine

This section briefly reviews the development of the international law of colonialism, and highlights some major examples of its use around the world over the past six hundred years.        

  1. The European Development of the Doctrine

The Doctrine was developed primarily by the Church, Portugal, and Spain in the fifteenth century and was rationalized under the authority of the Christian God and ethnocentric beliefs that Europeans could claim the lands and rights of Indigenous peoples and exercise dominion over them.[34]

Scholars have traced the theories behind the Doctrine to the Crusades to the Holy Lands in 1096-1271.[35] To justify the Crusades, the Church established the idea of a worldwide papal responsibility and jurisdiction to create a “universal Christian commonwealth.”[36] This claim led to the justification of holy wars against infidels.[37] In addition, in 1240, the canon-lawyer Pope Innocent IV asked whether it “is licit to invade a land that infidels possess or which belongs to them?”[38] To answer the question, Innocent focused on the authority of Christians to legitimately dispossess pagans of their dominium, that is, their sovereignty and property.[39] He relied on St. Augustine’s writings on holy war that Christians had the right and duty to wage war on nations that practiced idolatry, cannibalism, and human sacrifice because it was in defense of Christianity and justice.[40] Accordingly, the pope was deemed to be in charge of the spiritual health of all humans, and to have a role in the secular affairs of all humans.[41]

 In the early 1400s, these principles were refined when Poland and the Teutonic Knights battled to control pagan Lithuania.[42] In the Council of Constance of 1414, the Christian Teutonic Knights based their claims to Lithuania on the papal bulls from the Crusades that allegedly authorized the confiscation of heathens’ property and sovereignty.[43] The Council, however, accepted Poland’s argument, based on Innocent IV’s arguments from 1240, that infidels possessed the same natural law rights to sovereignty and property as Christians but that a pope could order invasions to punish violations of natural law or to spread the gospel.[44] Future crusades and conquests had to proceed under Innocent IV’s rules that pagans had natural rights, but that infidels also had to comply with European natural law or be attacked.[45]

B. Spain and Portugal

Spain and Portugal began diplomatically and then violently to assert claims to the Canary Islands, and the Azore, Cape Verde, and Madeira island groups.[46] The Church became involved and began creating international law to regulate European exploration and colonization in non-European lands.[47] Portugal claimed the Canary Islands, off the northwest coast of Africa, based on “priority of discovery and possession against any other European power” and under a “right of conquest.”[48] Portugal asked the pope to verify its claim. King Duarte of Portugal argued that his discoveries were made on behalf of Christianity because he would convert the infidel “wild men,” and he justified his actions because the Canary Islanders allegedly did not have a common religion, laws, money, metal, writing, housing, or clothing.[49] Duarte argued that if the pope prevented Portugal’s expansion, it would interfere with the spread of civilization and Christianity.[50]

Pope Eugenius IV concluded that the Islanders had dominium under Roman international law (ius gentium) but that the papacy possessed jurisdiction over their secular actions.[51] In light of Portugal’s arguments, Eugenius IV issued the papal bull Romanus Pontifex in 1436 and authorized Portugal to convert the Canary Islanders and to control the islands for the pope.[52]

This 1436 bull was reissued multiple times and extended Portugal’s jurisdiction and authority to plunder and colonize the west coast of Africa.[53] In 1455, Pope Nicholas V granted Portugal title to lands in Africa that Portugal had “acquired and which shall be acquired in the future,” and he authorized Portugal “to invade, search out, capture, vanquish, and subdue all Saracens [Muslims] and pagans,” and to place them into perpetual slavery and to seize their property.[54] These bulls authorized the conversion of infidels and granted Portugal title and sovereignty over lands in Africa.[55] 

Under the bulls, and the threat of excommunication for a Christian monarch who violated Portugal’s rights, Catholic Spain had to look elsewhere for colonies. Thus, Columbus’ proposal for a westward voyage interested King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella and they sponsored his venture “to discover and acquire certain islands and mainland,” and they signed a contract agreeing to make Columbus the admiral of any lands he “may thus discover and acquire.”[56]   

After Columbus’ voyage from the New World, Isabella and Ferdinand sought papal ratification of the discoveries. In May 1493, Pope Alexander VI issued the bull Inter caetera and ordered that lands which were “not hitherto discovered by others,” now belonged to Spain, along with “free power, authority and jurisdiction of every kind.”[57] The Pope also granted Spain any lands it might discover in the future if they were not already “in the actual possession of any Christian king.”[58] The Pope also placed the Indigenous peoples under Spanish guardianship.[59]   

Remarkably, however, Portugal claimed the islands Columbus had discovered in the Caribbean.[60] King D. João II argued a new element of Discovery, contiguity, and claimed that Portugal already owned those islands because they were located “near” the Azore Islands that Portugal already possessed.[61] Portugal and Spain thus requested another bull to delineate Spain’s lands in the New World. Alexander VI then issued Inter caetera II and drew his line of demarcation from the north to the south pole, 300 miles west of the Azores, and granted Spain title to the lands “discovered and to be discovered” west of that line and jurisdiction over Indigenous peoples, and the same rights were granted to Portugal east of the line.[62] This bull also assigned Spain and Portugal the duty to convert Indigenous peoples.[63] Thus, under international law, Spain and Portugal possessed the sole rights to colonize the entire world.

Spain and Portugal utilized these bulls and argued that their mere discovery of new lands in their spheres of influence and engaging in symbolic acts of possession was sufficient to establish their ownership and empire.[64] Portugal, for example, ordered that stone padroas and wooden crosses be erected along the coasts of Africa and Brazil to prove its first discoveries and symbolic occupation.[65] Spanish and other European explorers also undertook the same symbolic acts of possession in making claims to new lands.[66] 

C. England and France in Eastern North America 

England, France, and Holland used this emerging international law to claim rights of first discovery, sovereignty, commercial power, and title to lands in Eastern North America and elsewhere around the world.[67] England claimed that John Cabot’s 1496-98 explorations and alleged discoveries along the east coast of North America gave it a first Discovery claim to parts of modern-day Canada and the United States.[68] England also used other elements of Discovery in the 1640s because England claimed “first discovery, occupation, and the possession” of lands due to its colonial settlements.[69] In turn, France contested England’s claims of first discovery and instead argued that France had actually discovered those areas and possessed them first.[70]

Both countries, however, faced problems under the papal bulls that granted Spain and Portugal preeminence in colonizing the world. As Catholic countries, French and English monarchs risked excommunication if they violated the bulls. But their legal scholars analyzed canon law and the bulls, and developed new theories on Discovery that allowed their countries to colonize and trade in the New World.[71] England decided that its monarch, Catholic King Henry VII, would not be in violation of the bulls if English explorers only claimed lands that had not yet been discovered by a Christian prince.[72] A new element of the international law, actual occupancy and possession, was created by Protestant Queen Elizabeth I and her advisers when they demanded that Spain and Portugal actually occupy non-Christian lands before they could prevent England from making Discovery claims.[73] France joined England in this argument and in applying the new element of actual occupancy in their dealings with Spain and Portugal. In the 1550s, England and France separately, and unsuccessfully, negotiated treaties with Spain and Portugal that would have requiring actual occupation by Spain and Portugal for their alleged discoveries around the world to be recognized.[74] In compliance with this new element, Henry VII, Elizabeth I, and James I ordered English explorers to discover and colonize lands “unknown to all Christians” and “not actually possessed of any Christian prince.”[75]     

England and France also developed another element, terra nullius or vacant lands.[76] This element holds that if lands are possessed by no person or nation, or even if they are occupied but they are not being governed in a manner that European legal systems recognized, then they were considered waste and vacant, and available to claim.[77] England, Holland, France, and the United States relied on this element to claim that lands actually occupied and governed and used by Indigenous nations were legally vacant or terra nullius.[78]

D. Discovery in the Pacific and Northwest Coast of North America

Spain claimed the entire Pacific Ocean under international law when Balboa crossed Panama in 1513, and Magellan sailed around South America into the Pacific in 1521. But other European countries also wanted the lands and riches of the Pacific. In the early 1600s, Holland claimed northwest Australia by erecting pewter plates claiming its discovery. Thereafter, French, Spanish, and English explorers visited islands, left proof of their presence, undertook symbolic acts of possession, and posted signs claiming islands. Captain James Cook, for example, followed very specific instructions from the English Admiralty and made Discovery claims to islands in the Pacific, New Zealand, and in southeast and northeast Australia. He also landed three times in what is now the U.S. state of Alaska and engaged in acts of possession claiming the land for England.[79] It is worth noting that the Admiralty expressly ordered Cook to use at least six of the ten elements of Discovery this author has identified from Johnson v. M’Intosh: first discovery, possession and actual occupation, preemption, Indian/Native title, Native sovereignty, and terra nullius.[80]

In the sixteenth to twentieth centuries, England, Russia, Spain, and the United States used international law to claim rights along the Northwest coast of North America. Spain physically occupied several locations on the west coast of Mexico and engaged in other acts of possession on the coasts of Mexico and modern-day California in 1539-1602.[81] From 1769 onwards, Spain occupied missions in Monterrey Bay, San Diego Bay, and San Francisco, all accompanied by acts of possession. In response to Russia’s activities in the far north and Captain Cook’s voyage in 1778, Spain launched many expeditions to the North Pacific to undertake symbolic acts of possession, and to physically occupy modern-day Nootka Sound in British Columbia and Neah Bay in Washington.[82]   

Starting in 1741, Russia was the first European country to discover the islands and coastline of modern-day Alaska and to begin exploiting the Indigenous peoples and assets. In 1764, Catherine II ordered an expedition “to confirm the discoveries already made, to make further discoveries and explorations, to subjugate the inhabitants of newly discovered lands to Russia, and to collect iasak [tax].”[83] Queen Catherine also sent a voyage to Alaska in 1786 “formally to affirm the right of Russia to all lands discovered by Russian seafarers and promyshlenniks [traders] in the Pacific Ocean . . . to be included formally among the possessions of the Russian state.”[84] She ordered this expedition to engage in acts of possession by placing “crests and burying of metals inscribed in Russian and Latin in suitable places.”[85] She also ordered that “crests and signs of other powers” were to be destroyed, and any foreign settlements were “on the basis of prior discovery by Russia” to be ordered “to leave at once the places belonging to the Russian state” and “you may destroy them and level and destroy the signs and crests.”[86] This expedition was also ordered to claim territory for Russia “not previously discovered by any European power.”[87] Ultimately, Russians buried up to thirty numbered bronze plates from 1787 to 1811 claiming to “establish[] discovery and possession.”[88]   

England also engaged in extensive Discovery activities on the Northwest coast. In 1577-80, Francis Drake sailed around the world to attack the Spanish and also to explore the Pacific coast of America and to take possession of areas north of the Spanish occupations. He allegedly sailed as far north as 44° latitude (modern-day Oregon). In June of 1579, he allegedly landed on the California coast north of San Francisco Bay and claimed possession by planting “his famous plates of brass,” which historians believe stated: “in the name of her Majesty Queen Elizabeth of England and her successors for ever I take possession of this kingdom . . . .”[89] For centuries, England claimed that Drake’s first discoveries and acts of possession gave it ownership of the Northwest coast.[90]

In 1776, England tried to follow up on Drake’s claims and ordered Captain James Cook to explore the Northwest coast, interestingly starting at the same latitude on the Oregon coast where Drake allegedly sailed in 1579, and to engage in symbolic acts of possession. Cook was ordered by the Admiralty “to take possession of [lands] for His Majesty by setting up proper Marks and Inscriptions as first Discoverers and Possessors.”[91]

The United States also desired colonies and riches from the Northwest coast. The U.S. used the elements of Discovery, including acts of possession, to argue for decades that it owned the Oregon Country which included modern-day Oregon, Washington, parts of Idaho and Montana, and British Columbia, Canada. The American Robert Gray discovered the Columbia River in May 1792. He was apparently the first Euro-American to sail into the river and he named it after his ship the Columbia Rediviva. The United States’ international law claim to the Oregon Country originated from this first discovery and the element of contiguity from discovering the mouth of the Columbia River. President Thomas Jefferson was eager to strengthen the U.S. claim to the Oregon Country so he targeted the Lewis and Clark expedition of 1803-06 to the mouth of the Columbia.[92] Lewis and Clark then built and occupied Fort Clatsop near the mouth of the river from December 1805 to March 1806. The fort was physical evidence that the U.S. had occupied the Oregon Country.

Ultimately, the United States and England were the only settler-colonial countries still disputing the Northwest coast. The U.S. repeatedly argued in diplomatic exchanges that it owned the Oregon Country due to its first discovery of the Columbia River in 1792; Lewis and Clark’s exploration of the river and occupation of Fort Clatsop in 1805-06; and, John Jacob Astor’s construction of the American trading post Astoria in 1811.[93] In contrast, England claimed it owned Oregon due to Drake’s first discovery and act of possession in 1579; the cession by Spain to England of its trading and settlement rights in the Pacific Northwest in 1790; and the activities of English fur trading companies in western Canada and down the Columbia River.[94]

Surprisingly, in the twentieth and twentieth-first centuries countries are still arguing about their rights under international law and first discovery, acts of possession, and occupancy at various points of the globe. In recent decades, Canada and Denmark have staked claims to Han island near Greenland by planting their flags and engaging in Discovery rituals.[95] In 2007, Russia planted its flag on the bottom of the Arctic Ocean and in 2010 China did the same in the South China Sea, both to claim the oil and gas resources located under these sea beds and sovereignty over those parts of the ocean.[96] In 2012, Japan and China pushed competing claims to islands in the South China Sea.[97] In 2025, China and the Philippines planted flags on sandbars and staked claims to sovereignty also in the South China Sea.[98]

E. The Berlin Act and colonization in Africa  

The European “scramble for Africa” came relatively late in the age of colonization. Although Portugal and other European nations had traded with Africans and were involved in the international slave trade for centuries, interest in other economic activities and exploitation of the continent for colonies began in the mid-1800s. As conflicts arose, Germany convened the Berlin Conference of 1884-85. Thirteen European counties and the United States met to decide how to control trade with African countries, manage conflicting colonial interests, and divide up the continent.[99] The Conference produced the Berlin Act of 1885 which was their agreement on how to manage trade and colonization. The Act called itself “part of international law.”[100] The countries involved clearly realized that they were perpetuating international law and utilizing the legal principles of Discovery while agreeing on how to colonize Africa and exploit those nations and peoples.

It is significant to note that at the Berlin Conference, and in the 1885 Act, these European nations and the United States expressly used the ten elements of Discovery, just as they were used throughout history, and as they were recognized and utilized in Johnson v. M’Intosh.[101]

IV. Destroying the Doctrine

Indigenous peoples have always resisted the international law of colonialism and Euro-American claims to superior rights over tribal sovereignty and resources. In 1788, for example, Shawnee chiefs in North America told England’s representatives at a treaty session that neither France nor England had ever acquired any rights in tribal lands because “it is the property of us Indians.”[102] Indian leaders even expressly argued against some of the specific elements of Discovery to United States representatives in 1793. These tribal leaders specifically rejected the idea of an American “conquest” of Native nations due to its victory over England in the American Revolutionary War and the U.S. claim to “pre-emption and your exclusive right to purchase Indian lands . . . .”[103] Plainly, tribal leaders were aware of and resisted the idea of an “international law” that limited or destroyed their rights and sovereign powers. However, as Johnson v. M’Intosh notes, this alleged international law was actually enforced by the United States over the Indian nations “by the sword.”[104] Consequently, the question arises how can Indigenous peoples unravel, reverse, and destroy some of the pernicious effects of this international law from their lives and politics today?

Throughout history, various aspects of international law have been amended and even reversed. Thus, it is not a novel idea to argue that the international law of colonization should and could be destroyed. The international slave trade, for example, was ultimately outlawed world-wide and various other efforts have been used in the international arena to reverse negative and deplorable situations such as nuclear proliferation. The League of Nations and the United Nations were established in large parts to attempt to avoid future world wars. International efforts have also been undertaken to address climate change and other serious issues. In addition, one could cite the 2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples as a specific example of an attempt to reverse international law and using new policies to ameliorate and unravel the horrendous impacts of world-wide colonization.[105] In this section, I want to briefly lay out how Indigenous Peoples can begin international efforts to reverse and even destroy the Doctrine of Discovery.

Five main strategies appear useful to address removing and destroying the Doctrine:

1. Identify. We must start by identifying the specific harmful impacts of the Doctrine and colonization in our countries and how it manifests itself in the law and our lives today. The ten elements of Discovery laid out above provide excellent tools to specifically and exactly identify the existence and application of this international law in a nation’s laws and policies today, and the harms they cause for Indigenous Nations and Peoples. We need to catalogue these specific injuries.[106]

2. Educate. We need to educate all Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples around the world on what the Doctrine is, what it has done throughout world history, and most importantly, what it is still doing in the modern-day as it exists in the laws and policies of colonized countries.[107]

3. Protest. We must actively and publicly protest the existence of Discovery and its impacts in the modern-day world.[108]

4. Lobby. We must lobby all governments and all peoples, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, to inform themselves about the Doctrine and its evil effects, and to take positive steps to counteract, and irradicate these effects from modern day life, and to destroy the Doctrine. One initial step to focus on seems to be lobbying for all countries to adopt the U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples as national law.[109] In addition, we must propose and lobby our individual countries to amend current laws and governmental policies that reflect and promote the Doctrine and colonization.

5. Litigation. If education and lobbying do not produce results, Indigenous nations and peoples should litigate their human, sovereign and property rights against governments, corporations, and individuals who benefit from the Doctrine today and impose its pernicious effects on Indigenous peoples. In 1992 and 1993, Aboriginal peoples in Australia demonstrated graphically just how important litigating Indigenous rights is when they created a stunning victory and improvement in Indigenous land rights in Australia.[110]

These five points are excellent strategies to begin pursuing the removal of the international law of colonization from national laws and preventing it from continuing to adversely impact the rights and lives of Indigenous nations and peoples.

V. Conclusion

The Doctrine was developed and applied by Euro-American nations as the legal and religious authority to colonize the world, and to conquer Indigenous nations and peoples. These non-Indigenous countries followed one principle – Indigenous peoples and nations lost sovereign, property, and human rights under international law upon their mere discovery by Euro-Americans. It is absolutely crucial today to study and understand this history of colonization and international law and its continuing impacts, and it is even more imperative to work to eradicate these impacts. Short of that, how will Indigenous nations and peoples unravel and destroy this international law that has so egregiously impacted their sovereignty, lives, human rights, and commercial and political situations for six centuries?


[1] Jonathan & Wendy Rose Professor of Law, Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law, Arizona State University; Chief Justice, Pascua Yaqui Tribe; Citizen, Eastern Shawnee Tribe; Elected to the American Philosophical Society in 2014 and to its Governing Council in 2024.

[2] Parry & Grant, Encyclopaedia Dictionary of International Law 300 (3d ed., 2009) (“International law may be defined as ‘the standard of conduct, at a given time for states and other entities subject thereto’: . . . Or as ‘the body of rules which are legally binding on states in their intercourse with each other’ . . . .” (citations omitted)).

[3] Robert J. Miller, Native America, Discovered and Conquered: Thomas Jefferson, Lewis & Clark, and Manifest Destiny 9-23 (2006); Robert A. Williams, Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest 325-28 (1990).

[4] Miller, Native America, supra note 3, at 9-23 (citing numerous authorities).

[5] John Dugard, International Law: A South African Perspective 113-14 (2000). Accord  Antony Anghie, Europe and International Law: Colonial Legacies, in The Oxford Handbook of International Law in Europe 45, 57 (Anne Van Aaken, ed. et al., 2023) (independent African countries still retain the same territorial boundaries as in colonial time); Manuel Servin, Religious Aspects of Symbolic Acts of Sovereignty, 13 The Americas 255, 255 (January 1957) (one should not “overlook or ignore the historical importance and significance of the ceremony by which explorers and colonizers lay claim to territory in the New World.”).

[6] 21 U.S. (8 Wheat.) 543 (1823).

[7] Id.

[8] Robert J. Miller, Jacinta Ruru, Larissa Behrendt & Tracey Lindberg, Discovering Indigenous Lands: The Doctrine of Discovery in the English Colonies 52-58, 152-54, 215-23, 232-34 (2010) (citing numerous authorities).

[9] Johnson, 21 U.S. at 571.

[10] Id. at 560; Blake Watson, Buying America From the Indians 203-211, 255-258 (2012).

[11] Johnson, 21 U.S. at 573-74, 587.

[12] Id. at 573, 574, 584, 588, 592, 603.

[13] Id. at 574.

[14] Id. at 573. Accord id. at 574, 584, 588, 592 (“The absolute ultimate title has been considered as acquired by discovery”), 603.

[15] Id. at 574. 

[16] Id.

[17] Eric Kades, The Dark Side of Efficiency: Johnson v. M’Intosh and the Expropriation of American Indian Lands, 148 U. Pa. L. Rev. 1065, 1078, 1110-31 (2000).

[18] Johnson, 21 U.S. at 574 (“their rights to complete sovereignty, as independent nations, were necessarily diminished”). See also id. at 584-85, 587-88 (stating that English and American governments “asserted title to all the lands occupied by Indians [and] asserted also a limited sovereignty over them”); Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, 30 U.S. (5 Pet.) 1, 17-18 (1831) (stating that an attempt by another country to “form a political connection with [Indian tribes] would be considered by all as an invasion of our territory, and an act of hostility.”).

[19] Miller, Native America, supra note 3, at 3-5.

[20] Id.; Robert J. Miller & Micheline D’Angelis, Brazil, Indigenous Peoples, and the International Law of Discovery, 37 Brook. J. Int’l L. 1 (2011); Robert J. Miller, Lisa Lesage & Sebastian Lopez Escarcena, The International Law of Discovery, Indigenous Peoples, and Chile, 89 Neb. L. Rev. 819 (2011); Robert J. Miller & Olivia Stitz, The International Law of Colonialism in East Africa: Germany, England, and the Doctrine of Discovery, 32 Duke J. Comp. & Int’l L. 1 (2021); Discovering Indigenous Lands, supra note 8.

[21] Johnson, 21 U.S. at 574-604.

            In 1532, Francisco de Vitoria, an important professor, priest, and adviser to the Spanish crown, lectured and wrote on Indigenous natural legal rights and the “accepted European Law of Nations on American Indian rights and status.” Williams, supra note 3, at 13, 89-91, 97-103. See also Franciscus de Victoria, De Indis et de Iure Bellie Relectiones 54-55, 115, 123, 125-31, 135-39, 151-61 (Ernest Nys ed. & John Pauley Bate trans., 1917); Antony Anghie, Francisco de Vitoria and the Colonial Origins of International Law, 5 Social and Legal Studies 321, 321-22 (1996); Anthony Pagden, Lords of all the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain and France c. 1500 – c. 1800 46, 93, 97-98 (1995); Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America 17-22, 113-32, 133-46, 156-72 (1949).

In 1609, while addressing international law and answering whether the sea was open to all nations to travel, Hugo Grotius expressly discussed the elements of first discovery, actual possession, occupation, and just war. Hugo Grotius, Mare Liberum (The Free Sea) 7, 12-14, 17, 19-20, 23-24, 27, 29, 40, 47, 51, 59, 78, 82, 109 (Richard Haylukt, trans., David Armitage ed., 2004).    

[22] Johnson, 21 U.S. at 572-77, 582-85, 587, 591-92, 595. 

[23] Id. at 573, 577, 591.

[24] Id. at 573-74, 577, 581-82, 585-88, 603.

[25] Id. at 574, 579-81, 584-89, 591-92, 598, 600, 602-03. 

[26] Id. at 587-88.

[27] Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, 30 U.S. 1, 17 (1831).

[28] Johnson, 21 U.S. at 575, 577-79, 582-83.

[29] Id. at 595-96.

[30] Mabo v. Queensland (1992), 175 CLR 1, 107 ALR 1 (rejecting terra nullius as false and not a basis for England’s claim over Australia). 

[31] Johnson, 21 U.S. at 573. 

[32] Id. at 572-73, 589-91, 596-97, 599; Anghie, Europe and International Law, supra note 5, at 48, 53, 55 (explaining that Indians were perceived as savages, uncivilized, and barbaric). 

[33] Johnson, 21 U.S. at 576, 587-90.

[34] Robert J. Miller, The Doctrine of Discovery in American Indian Law, 42 Idaho L. Rev. 1, 8-21 (2005) (citing numerous authorities); Pagden, supra note 21, at 8, 24, 126; James Muldoon, Popes, Lawyers and Infidels 34-48, 107-52 (1979); The Expansion of Europe: The First Phase 3-4, 155-57, 186, 191-92 (James Muldoon ed. 1977); Carl Erdmann, The Origin of the Idea of Crusade 8-11, 155-56 (1935, Marshall W. Baldwin & Walter Goffart trans., 1977 ed.).

[35] Pagden, supra note 21, at 8, 24, 126; Williams, supra note 3, at 14, 29-31; Expansion of Europe, supra note 34, at 3-4, 155-57, 186; Erdmann, supra note 34, at 155-56; James A. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader 19-26, 136-38, 192-94 (1969).

[36] Williams, supra note 3, at 29; accord Pagden, supra note 21 at 24-30 (under Roman and natural law, non-Christians were not part of the world); J.H. Burns, Lordship, Kingship and Empire: The Idea of Monarchy 1400-1525 100 (1992) (philosophers interpreting the teachings of Aristotle say it was only possible to see the world as a single system comprised of Christendom).

[37] Brundage, supra note 35, at 19-26; Erdmann, supra note 34, at 155-56; Williams, supra note 3, at 29-30.

[38] Innocent IV, Commentaria Doctissima, in Quinque Libros Decretalium (1581), in Expansion of Europe, supra note 34, at 191-92.

[39] Williams, supra note 3, at 13 n.4; Henry Wheaton, Elements of International Law  226-39 (1866, William B. Lawrence ed., 1936); Burns, supra note 36, at 18, 98-100, 161-62. 

[40] Erdmann, supra note 34, at 8-11; John Mark Mattox, Saint Augustine and Theory of Just War (2006); XIX De Civitae Dei 13 (quoted in Pagden, supra note 21, at 98). 

[41] Williams, supra note 3, at 14-17, 45-47.

[42] Id. at 59-60.

[43] Id. at 62-63; Muldoon, supra note 34, at 109-19.

[44] Williams, supra note 3, at 65.

[45] Id. at 66-67; Muldoon, supra note 34, at 109-19; Pagden, supra note 21, at 24 & 126 (civilized countries had to be Christian).

[46] Jay Lalonde, Settler Colonialism and the Politics of Colonialism, in Oxford Research Encyclopedia on Migration Studies 4 (Maddalena Marinari, ed. 2026); Expansion of Europe, supra note 34, at 47-48, 54; Charles R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire 1415-1825 21-29 (1969); Edgar Prestage, The Portuguese Pioneers 294-95 (1933, reprint 1967) (Portugal built “a wooden fort and garrisoned it to safeguard the factory and protect their ally. This was a first step towards dominion”); I Roger Bigelow Merriman, The Rise of the Spanish empire in the Old World and in the New 142-46, 155-56, 171-72, 180, 189 (1918, 1962 ed.).

[47] Johnson, 21 U.S. at 572-73; Williams, supra note 3, at 7-8, 325-28. See also Antonio Truyol y Serra, The Discovery of the New World and International Law, 3 Toledo L. Rev. 305, 308 (1971) (the New World confronted Europeans “with the problem of the law of colonization” and “it finally became necessary to pose the problem of the law of nations in a global perspective.”).

[48] I Merriman, supra note 46, at 144 (emphasis added); id. Vol. II, at 172. Accord Boxer, supra note 46, at 21-29; Prestage, supra note 46, at 8-9, 27, 38-41, 43-50, 54-59, 96-97, 100-02.   

[49] Prestage, supra note 46, at 54-56 (translating Duarte’s letter to the pope).

[50] Expansion of Europe supra note 34, at 55-56.

[51] Id. at 71-72; Muldoon, supra note 34, at 126-27.

[52] Williams, supra note 3, at 72.

[53] Church and State Through the Centuries 146-53 (Sidney Z. Ehler & John B. Morrall trans. & eds. 1967); European Treaties Bearing on the History of the United States and Its Dependencies to 1648 23 (Frances G. Davenport ed. 1917).

[54] European Treaties, supra note 53, at 23.

[55] Church and State, supra note 53, at 146, 150.

[56] The Spanish Tradition 32-33 (Charles Gibson ed. 1968) (emphasis added); accord Samuel Eliot Morison, The European Discovery of America: The Southern Voyages A.D. 1492-1616 31-44 (1974); Samuel Eliot Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea: A Life of Christopher Columbus 105 (1942).

[57] European Treaties, supra note 53, at 9-13, 23, 53-56 (emphasis added); accord The Spanish Tradition, supra note 56, at 36-38.

[58] European Treaties, supra note 53, at 9-13, 23, 53-56 (emphasis added).

[59] Id. at 9-13, 23, 53-56; Williams, supra note 3, at 79.

[60] H.V. Livermore, Portuguese History, in Portugal and Brazil 61 (H.V. Livermore ed. 1953); Morison, The European Discovery, supra note 56, at 97-98; II Merriman, supra note 46, at 199.  

[61] Prestage, supra note 46, at 237 (emphasis added); accord Regina Johnson Tomlinson, The Struggle for Brazil: Portugal and “The French Interlopers” 1500-1550 7 (1970).

[62] The Bull Inter Caetera (Alexander VI) (May 3, 1493), in European Treaties, supra note 53, at 9 & 23 (emphasis added); accord The Spanish Tradition, supra note 47, at 38; Morison, Admiral, supra note 56, at 368-73; Church and State, supra note 46, at 156.

[63] The Spanish Tradition, supra note 47, at 36-37.

[64] Patricia Seed, Ceremonies of Possession in Europe’s Conquest of the New World, 1492-1640 9 & n.19, 69-73, 101-02, at 9 & n.19, 69-73, 101-02 (1995); James Simsarian, The Acquisition of Legal Title to Terra Nullius, 53 Pol. Sci. Q. 111, 113-14, 117-18, 120-24 (March 1938); A.S. Keller, O.J. Lissitzyn & J.E. Mann, Creation of Rights of  Sovereignty Through Symbolic Acts 1400-1800 (1938); Friedrich August Freiherr von der Heydte, Discovery, Symbolic Annexation and Virtual Effectiveness in International Law, 29 Am. J. Int’l L. 448, 453-54, 460-61 (1935).

[65] 1 Antonio Henrique R. De Oliveira Marques, History of Portugal: From Lusitania to Empire 219-20 (1972); Heydte, supra note 64, at 453-54, 460-61.

[66] Heydte, supra note 64, at 453-54, 460-61; Morison, The European Discovery, supra note 56, at 63, 151; Pagden, supra note 21, at 81; Miller, Lesage & Escarcena, supra note 21; Miller & D’Angelis, supra note 21.

[67] Miller, Native America, supra note 3, at 12-23, 44-48, 120-26, 131-36 (citing numerous authorities).

[68] Id. at 17, 25, 70; Pagden, supra note 21, at 90.

[69] VII Early American Indian Documents: Treaties and Laws, 1607-1789 30-32 (Alden T. Vaughan & Barbara Graymont eds., 1998) (emphasis added).

[70] Pagden, supra note 21, at 34; I Joseph Jouvency, An Account of the Canadian Mission 179, 205 (1710); II Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France 33, 127, 199, 203 (Reuben Gold Thwaites ed. 1959); id. at Vol. III, at 33, 39, 41; id. at Vol. XXXIV at 217-19.

[71] Williams, supra note 3, at 126-225.

[72] Id.

[73] Id. at 133; Heydte, supra note 64, at 450-54, 458-59 (“At no time was the fact of discovery alone regarded as capable of granting more than the right to later appropriation.”; Elizabeth I wrote a Spanish minister rejecting the papal bulls and stated that first discovery alone “cannot confer property”); European Treaties, supra note 53, at 219; I Hyde, Treatise on International Law 164 (1922).

[74] Williams, supra note 3, at 133; Heydte, supra note 64, at 458-59 & n.35; 1 European Treaties, supra note 53, at 220 n.9.

[75] I Foundations of Colonial America: A Documentary History 18, 22-29 (W. Keith Kavenagh ed. 1983) (emphasis added); id. vol. III Foundations, at 1690-98; accord Select Charters and other documents Illustrative of American History 1606 – 1775 24-25 (William MacDonald ed. 1993). 

[76] Pagden, supra note 21, at 91 (Spain and Portugal did not need terra nullius because they had papal grants). This principle derives from Roman law and is also part of Islamic law. Siraj Sait & Hilary Lim, Land, Law and Islam: Property and Human rights in the Muslim World 12, 22, 61, 70, 170 (2006).

[77] Colin G. Calloway, Crown and Calumet: British-Indian Relations, 1783-1815 9 (1987); Alex C. Castles, An Australian Legal History 63 (1982), reprinted in Aboriginal Legal Issues, Commentary and Materials 10 (H. McRae et al eds., 1991). The term has two meanings: “a country without a sovereign recognized by European authorities and a territory where nobody owns any land at all . . . .” Henry Reynolds, The Law of the Land 173 (1987).

[78] Hanke, supra note 21, at 24; The Spanish Tradition, supra note 47, at 9; Miller, Native America, supra note 3, at 21, 27-28, 49, 56, 63-64, 156, 159-60 (citing numerous authorities).

[79] Robert J. Miller, The International Law of Discovery: Acts of Possession on the Northwest Coast of North America, in Arctic Ambitions: Captain Cook and the Northwest Passage 191, 205 & n.67 (James K. Barnett & David L. Nicandri eds, 2015).

[80] Id. at 205 (quoting Admiralty Instructions to Captain James Cook regarding the Northwest Coast 1776, in III The Journals of Captain James Cook on his Voyages of Discovery: The Voyage of the Resolution and Discovery 1776 – 1780 ccxxiii (J.C. Beaglehole ed., 1967)).

[81] Warren L. Cook, Flood Tide of Empire: Spain and the Pacific Northwest, 1543-1819 58 (1973); Barry M. Gough, The Northwest Coast: British Navigation, Trade, and Discoveries to 1812 16 & 18 (1992).

[82] Voyages of Enlightenment: Malaspina on the Northwest Coast 1791/1792 4 (Thomas Vaughn, et al., trans. & eds. 1977); Freeman M. Tovell, At the Far Reaches of Empire: The Life of Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra 71-72, 94-95, 203, 213 (2008); Gough, supra note 81, at 126 & 138; James R. Gibson, Otter Skins, Boston Ships, and China Goods: The Maritime Fur Trade of the Northwest Coast, 1785 – 1841 14 & 18 (1992); Warren L. Cook, supra note 81, at 97.

[83] Raisa V. Makarova, Russians on the Pacific 1743 – 1799 3 & 166 (Richard A. Pierce and Alton S. Donnelly, trans. & eds, 1975) (emphasis added).

[84] Id. at 155-56 (emphasis added).

[85] Id.

[86] Gough, supra note 81, at 125 (emphasis added). Accord Makarova, supra note 83, at 3.

[87] Gough, supra note 81, at 13-14, 18, 125 (emphasis added); accord Makarova, supra note 83, at, 3; Lydia T. Black, Russians in Alaska 1732-1867 107 (2004).

[88] Mary Foster & Steve Henrikson, Symbols of Russian America: Imperial Crests & Possession Plates in North America, Concepts 1-2 (Spring 2009) (emphasis added). Accord 2 Russian Penetration of the North Pacific Ocean 1700-1797: To Siberia and Russian America, Three Centuries of Russian Eastward Expansion 349 (Basil Dmytryshyn, E.A.P. Crownhart-Vaughn & Thomas Vaughn, eds & trans., 1988).

[89] Gough, supra note 81, at 20-22 (emphasis added). Accord Historical Dictionary of the Discovery and Exploration of the Northwest Coast of America xxx & 109 (Robin Inglis ed., 2008).

[90] Vol. 1 North American Exploration: A New World Disclosed 400 (John Logan Allen ed., 1997); Manuel Servin, The Act of Sovereignty in the Age of Discovery 237-38 (unpublished dissertation, University of Southern California, 1959); Gough, supra note 81, at 23, 27, 156.

[91] III The Journals of Captain James Cook, supra note 80, at ccxxiii (emphasis added).

[92] Miller, Native America, supra note 3, at 99; David Nicandri, River of Promise: Lewis and Clark on the Columbia 203-17, 239-44 (2010).

[93] III American State Papers: Documents, Legislative and Executive, of the Congress of the United States 185, 731 (1832); id. Vol. IV, 377, 381, 452-57, 468-72; id. Vol. VI, at 663-66; Frederick Merk, The Oregon Question: Essays in Anglo-American Diplomacy and Politics 4, 14-24, 42, 47, 51, 110, 156, 165-66, 399, 403 (1967).

[94] IV American State Papers, supra note 87, at 436-37, 446-47, 449, 554-58, 791; id. Vol. VI, 644, 652-53, 657, 661-70; Merk, supra note 93, at 4, 14-35, 42, 47, 51, 68-69, 110, 156, 164-66, 185-88, 395-412.

[95] Canada island visit angers Danes, BBC News, July 25, 2005, at http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4715245.stm (visited September 10, 2026).

[96] William J. Broad, China Explores A Rich Frontier, Two Miles Deep, New York Times, Sept, 12, 2010, at A1; Robert J. Miller, Finders Keepers in the Arctic?, Los Angeles Times, Aug. 6, 2007, at A19, http://articles.latimes.com/2007/aug/06/news/OE-MILLER6 (visited September 10, 2026).

[97] Martin Fackler, Dispute over Islands Reflect Japanese Fears of Chine’s Rise, New York Times, Aug. 21, 2012, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/08/22/world/asia/dispute-over-islands-reflect-japanese-fear-of-chinas-rise.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0 (visited September 10, 2026).

[98] Nectar Gan & Kathleen Magrama, China and Philippines unfurl competing flags on disputed South China Sea sandbars, reviving tensions, CNN, April, 28, 2025.

[99] Miller & Stitz, supra note 20, at 22-25 (citing numerous authorities); Anghie, Europe and International Law, supra note 5, at 53.

[100] General Act of the Berlin Conference on West Africa, Arts. 13 & 26, Feb. 26, 1885.

[101] Miller & Stitz, supra note 20, at 22-57 (citing numerous authorities).

[102] Colin G. Calloway, The Indian World of George Washington: The First President, the First Americans, and the Birth of the Nation 188 (2018).

[103] John Sugden, Bluejacket: Warrior of the Shawnees 152-54 (2000) (quoting numerous authorities) (emphasis added).

[104] Johnson, 21 U.S. at 588-90.

[105] https://share.google/3LFfJRPvs6Z4XwfV7 (visited September 8, 2026).

[106] See, e.g., The Doctrine of Discovery: The International Law of Colonialism, Conference Room Paper, 11th Session of the U.N. Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, 7-18 May 2012, Suggestion Three (copy on file with author).

[107] Id. at Suggestion Four; accord The Coalition to Dismantle the Doctrine of Discovery, https://share.google/BF7bkfUe7sBDbgmZn (visited September 7, 2026).

[108] Id. (The Coalition to Dismantle the Doctrine).

[109] Conference Room Paper (2012), supra note 106, at Suggestion Three; accord The Implementation Project, https://un-declaration.narf.org/ (visited September 7, 2026) (working to advance the adoption and application of the DRIP).

[110] In 1992, litigation by a Torres Straits Islander led the Australian Supreme Court to review England’s and Australia’s claims to dominance over Aboriginals Peoples and their lands. That Court held that the Discovery element of terra nullius, vacant lands, applied by England and Australia to claim the continent, was a lie! The very next year, the Australian Parliament enacted the Native Title Act and began recognizing Aboriginal rights in land. Incredibly, a wide-variety of Aboriginal property rights are now recognized on over 54% of that continent. Mabo v. Queensland (1992), 175 CLR 1, 107 ALR 1 (Austl.); Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) (Austl.); Robert J. Miller & Harry Hobbs, Unraveling the International Law of Colonialism: Lessons from Australia and the United States, 28 Mich. J. Race & Law 271, 297-307, 325-27 (2023) (the United States has also taken some actions and enacted some policies that have somewhat lessened the impacts Discovery has had on Indian nations and peoples).

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American Indian Slavery in Virginia

A little known fact of American history and law is the ubiquitous legal enslavement of Indian peoples during colonial and early American times. In the Virginia colony, it seems that the first slaves of the English settlers were local Indian peoples and then large numbers of Indians that were captured elsewhere and transported to Virginia or the Caribbean to serve as slaves on plantations. Much of this activity appears to have occurred before Virginian planters and traders began importing Africans to be enslaved. Complicating this history is that several Indian nations and many individual Indians actively participated with the English in raiding, enslaving, and trading Indians from other tribes and cultures and transporting them to Virginia, other American colonies, and even to the Caribbean.

Check out my article on this topic – Robert J. Miller, Virginia’s First Slaves – American Indians, 10 Wake Forest Journal Law and Policy, 195-215 (2020), Adobe cloud storage https://acrobat.adobe.com/id/urn:aaid:sc:VA6C2:7824e2ff-6e7e-4c19-95ea-cf7c3109be57

and

https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3313827

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Fighting the International Law of Colonialism

For over 600 years, Indigenous Peoples and Nations around the world have had to contend with the international law of colonialism and colonization, better known as the Doctrine of Discovery. The vestiges of this racist, ethnocentric, and religiously based legal doctrine continue to be part of the law of most nations on earth today. This book chapter highlights the development of this Doctrine and the specific elements or factors that comprise it. The author then lays out a strategy for Indigenous Nations and Peoples to fight back by unraveling and removing colonialism and these elements of the Doctrine from their national and state laws today. This appears to be the best way to aggressively and effectively remove colonization from the modern-day law and lives of Indigenous Peoples.

Robert J. Miller, Unraveling the International Law of Colonialism – The Doctrine of Discovery (May 30, 2026). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=

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United States duty of consultation with American Indian Tribes

My 2015 article explores the current international law movement to require nation/states to consult with Indigenous Peoples before undertaking actions that impact Indigenous nations and communities. The United Nations took a significant step in September 2007 when the General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Declaration contains many provisions requiring states to confer and consult with Indigenous peoples, and in many instances to obtain their “free, prior and informed consent.” This article undertakes an original and detailed investigation into how the free, prior and informed consent standard ended up in the Declaration.

But the article also points out that consultations and obtaining the consent of Indigenous peoples is nothing new in the political and diplomatic relations between American Indian Nations and the United States. From the very founding of the U.S., it has maintained a government-to-government relationship with Indian Tribes. This relationship is expressly recognized in the U.S. Constitution, and is reflected in hundreds of U.S./Indian treaties and in the history of the interactions between these governments. A nearly constant stream of formal and informal consultations and diplomatic dealings has marked this relationship.

In recent decades, the international community has begun focusing on consultations with Indigenous Peoples and has increased the legal obligations on nation/states to consult. The international regime is also moving far beyond mere consultations and is requiring states to obtain the free, prior and informed consent of Indigenous Peoples. On the surface, requiring the United States to obtain the informed consent of Indian Nations and Peoples, before undertaking actions that affect them, might be more onerous than merely consulting with tribal governments.

My article examines the history and modern-day processes for United States consultations with Indian Nations and the emerging international law standard of free, prior and informed consent. The article argues that the United States should continue and even enhance the consent paradigm that has always been the goal of federal/tribal relations. And, the article also argues that the United States should have little trouble adapting to the newly emerging international law consent movement.

Check out my article for free – Robert J. Miller, “Consultation or Consent: The United States’ Duty to Confer With American Indian Governments,” 91 North Dakota L. Rev. 37-98 (2015). Miller https://share.google/nBN61USyjyLQ7iHX3

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Indian Economic Development issues; and Indian Law and policies are NOT DEI – podcast

Check out this Feb. 26, 2026 podcast from the Native Community Development Financial Institutions Network with Brian Edwards, Pete Upton, and Robert Miller.

https://www.buzzsprout.com/2352819/episodes/18669874-before-the-banks

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Oregon State Bar Profile

I am proud to share this article/profile that the Oregon State Bar Bulletin published about me in its April 2026 edition.

OSB Bulletin https://share.google/dAREykvDiSTAUohP1

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Adolf Hitler, Nazi Race Laws, and American Indians

In 2020, I published a very important and interesting article on how American Indian Law and U.S. race laws impacted Nazi Germany. You can read the article for free on this SSRN link (Social Science Research Network) – https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3541009

Most Americans and American lawyers would probably be shocked to learn that in the early 1930s Nazi Germany’s scholars, lawyers, and party officials were carefully studying United States race laws and Federal Indian law. As part of a comparative law system, Germans were accustomed to researching the laws and legal systems of other countries to find insights and models. In the 1930s, they were researching how to legally discriminate against Jews and they found their models in United States law. This article expands on preexisting research into how Adolf Hitler, Nazi party officials, and Nazi scholars studied American law in the process of drafting the 1935 Nuremberg Laws. This article adds to this subject by closely examining how the Nazis also studied and relied on Federal Indian Law. Hitler and many Germans were relatively well-informed about American Indian issues and history, and U.S. anti-miscegenation laws, involuntary sterilization laws, citizenship practices, and the Jim Crow laws in general. In fact, in Mein Kampf, Hitler mentioned U.S. laws and policies and noted that the United States was a racial model for Europe and that it was “the one state” in the world that was creating the kind of racist society the Nazi regime wanted to establish. Obviously, Nazi scholars followed his lead and they researched and wrote numerous articles and books on American race laws. This article also addresses how Germans and Nazis analogized the “American Frontier West” and “Manifest Destiny,” and the treatment of Indian nations and peoples, to the Nazi plans to invade the “German East” to serve the longstanding German policy of Lebensraum and colonization of the East. In regards Federal Indian Law, Heinrich Krieger and other German/Nazi scholars undertook serious and prolonged studies of the subject. They considered “Indian Law” to be “a racial law” and to be a unique “extra-constitutional situation.” They concluded that Indians had been discriminated against for centuries in North America based on race and blood. Consequently, Nazi Germany would be well justified doing the same to Jews and other minorities. In September 1935, Adolf Hitler announced the culmination of the Third Reich’s research into American laws and Federal Indian Law in its efforts to racially discriminate against the Jews. The Nuremberg Laws stripped German Jews of their citizenship and their rights and started Germany on the road to the Holocaust. The Laws criminalized marriage and sexual relations between Jews and Germans. There was only one country in the world the Nazis could find that criminalized inter-racial marriage – the United States. In fact, forty-one of the American states had anti-miscegenation statutes. The Nazis also studied the numerous state Jim Crow laws and the United States immigration and naturalization laws and policies from 1790-1924. In addition, the United States conquest of American Indian nations, ethnic cleansing, and colonization of the Frontier West provided fodder and analogies for the Nazi invasion and colonization of the German East. This article perhaps raises more questions than it answers about Federal Indian Law and its impact on Hitler and Nazi Germany. In the end though, how intriguing, yet at the same time how profoundly disturbing, that American law and Federal Indian Law played some role, or any role, in the Nazi formulation of Jewish policies and laws.

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New book just released on tribal economic development

The second edition of my book “Reservation Capitalism: Economic Development in Indian Country” (2d ed. Bloomsbury Publishing 2025) was just released and can be ordered on Amazon.

Posted in Economic Development, Private sector economic development | Leave a comment